Intereses políticos en el reconocimiento formal de la ciudadanía femenina en Colombia (1945-1957)

Esta investigación analiza la incidencia de los intereses políticos en la consecución formal de la ciudadanía femenina en Colombia a mediados del siglo XX, en un contexto marcado por la influencia de postulados liberales capitalistas y del discurso de modernidad. Desde una perspectiva histórica que incluye al género como variable, se presenta evidencia empírica de los principales intereses políticos masculinos como factor central en la aprobación formal del ingreso de las mujeres al espacio público y la ampliación del concepto de ciudadanía. El texto busca complementar enfoques que han privilegiado intereses electorales o movilizaciones feministas como determinantes del voto femenino, llenando así un vacío académico en la literatura de género. Sin minimizar la importancia de las luchas feministas, se concluye que diversos intereses morales, electorales, diplomáticos y económicos posibilitaron en la aprobación del voto femenino en un contexto histórico nacional e internacional particular, marcado por el influyente discurso de modernidad.

Ciudadanía femenina en El Salvador : Prudencia Ayala

El relato de la historia mundial, y de la historia de América Latina, ha sido escrito mayoritaria- mente por hombres. Por esa razón, este trabajo da cuenta de la participación y contribución del género masculino, con la excepción de contadas mujeres en el Salvador. Si bien es cierto que muchos campos estuvieron vedados a las mujeres por siglos, éstas no cesaron de defender la igualdad de derechos, constituyéndose en verdaderas protagonistas de nuestra historia en el campo de la política y la ciudadanía femenina. Por ello centramos el foco en el proceso de lucha de las mujeres salvadoreñas para ejercer este derecho, a través de la figura Prudencia Ayala, una mujer indígena y pobre, candidata a la presidencia en 1930.

Derechos políticos femeninos en la Junta Consultiva Nacional

Este artículo analiza los cambios ideológicos y las tensiones en la visión de la ciudadanía femenina en el debate que tuvo lugar en la Junta Consultiva Nacional (1955-56). En la primera parte se realiza una "descripción densa" del debate, en el sentido sugerido por Clifford Geertz, con el fin de entender las posiciones de los delegados de la Junta sobre las profundas relaciones entre el género, el peronismo y los derechos políticos de las mujeres. La segunda parte ofrece una visión general del proceso de acuerdo con las ideas de Bourdieu sobre la cultura esotérica del campo político. El objetivo es poner de relieve la heterogeneidad de los discursos sobre los derechos políticos de las mujeres en el contexto posterior a la caída del gobierno de Perón. De hecho, en la historiografía local, las facultades políticas femeninas fueron consideradas como carentes de problemas en este período debido a que, en 1947, las mujeres ya habían obtenido esas facultades. En contraposición con esta premisa, este artículo entiende que el objetivo de la reforma era reconstruir los cimientos de los derechos políticos de las mujeres sobre la base de nuevos parámetros

Derechos políticos femeninos en la Junta Consultiva Nacional

Este artículo analiza los cambios ideológicos y las tensiones en la visión de la ciudadanía femenina en el debate que tuvo lugar en la Junta Consultiva Nacional (1955-56). En la primera parte se realiza una "descripción densa" del debate, en el sentido sugerido por Clifford Geertz, con el fin de entender las posiciones de los delegados de la Junta sobre las profundas relaciones entre el género, el peronismo y los derechos políticos de las mujeres. La segunda parte ofrece una visión general del proceso de acuerdo con las ideas de Bourdieu sobre la cultura esotérica del campo político. El objetivo es poner de relieve la heterogeneidad de los discursos sobre los derechos políticos de las mujeres en el contexto posterior a la caída del gobierno de Perón. De hecho, en la historiografía local, las facultades políticas femeninas fueron consideradas como carentes de problemas en este período debido a que, en 1947, las mujeres ya habían obtenido esas facultades. En contraposición con esta premisa, este artículo entiende que el objetivo de la reforma era reconstruir los cimientos de los derechos políticos de las mujeres sobre la base de nuevos parámetros

Derechos políticos femeninos en la Junta Consultiva Nacional

Este artículo analiza los cambios ideológicos y las tensiones en la visión de la ciudadanía femenina en el debate que tuvo lugar en la Junta Consultiva Nacional (1955-56). En la primera parte se realiza una "descripción densa" del debate, en el sentido sugerido por Clifford Geertz, con el fin de entender las posiciones de los delegados de la Junta sobre las profundas relaciones entre el género, el peronismo y los derechos políticos de las mujeres. La segunda parte ofrece una visión general del proceso de acuerdo con las ideas de Bourdieu sobre la cultura esotérica del campo político. El objetivo es poner de relieve la heterogeneidad de los discursos sobre los derechos políticos de las mujeres en el contexto posterior a la caída del gobierno de Perón. De hecho, en la historiografía local, las facultades políticas femeninas fueron consideradas como carentes de problemas en este período debido a que, en 1947, las mujeres ya habían obtenido esas facultades. En contraposición con esta premisa, este artículo entiende que el objetivo de la reforma era reconstruir los cimientos de los derechos políticos de las mujeres sobre la base de nuevos parámetros

Sapatilhando na blogosfera : narrando o processo de subjetividade e pronunciamento feminino

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação, 2016.

Female narratives of ‘new’ citizens’ belonging(s) and identities in Europe: case studies from the Netherlands and Britain

Public discourses on citizenship, identity and nationality, which link geographical borders and the political boundaries of a community, are infused with tensions and contradictions. This paper illustrates how these tensions are interwoven with multilayered notions of home, belonging, migration, citizenship and individual’s ‘longing just to be’, focusing on the Dutch and the British context. The narratives of a number of Dutch and British women, who either immigrated to the respective countries or were born to immigrants, illustrate how the growing rigid integration and assimilative discourses in Europe contradict an individual anchoring in national and local communities. The narratives of women participating in these studies show multilayered angles of belonging presenting an alternative to the increasing strong argument for a fixed notion of positioning and national belonging. The female ‘new’ citizens in our study tell stories of individual choices, social mobility and a sense of multiple belonging in and across different communities.

Sociodemographic vulnerability in the Caribbean: an examination of the social and demographic impediments to equitable development with participatory citizenship in the Caribbean at the dawn of the twenty-first century

Includes bibliography

Tunisia. Supervising Tunisian Elections by civil society: How to improve it? Arab Citizenship Review No. 7. January 2015

Introduction. On October 26, 2014, Tunisia held its second democratic legislative elections. Participation among more than 5 million registered voters was at about 60%, a relatively good turnout for the country, compared to the 52% voters in 2011. Preliminary results for the 33 constituencies (27 within the country and 6 for expatriates) reveal that secular frontrunner Nidaa Tounes (Call of Tunisia) won around 37% percent of votes while moderate Islamist party Ennahdha, winner of the 2011 elections and leader of Tunisia’s post-revolution government, received 27% of votes. Other parties with notable percentages are the Free Patriotic Union (French: UPL) with 4.4% and the leftist party, Popular Front, with 3.7%. Legislative were immediately followed by two round presidential elections the first one held on November 23, the second one after one month. Conversely to what was expected, people were more attracted by presidential elections even though president has notably less prerogatives than the parliament: representing the state, he is mainly responsible for determining the general state policies in the domains of defense, foreign relations and national security (article 76.) This paradox is ascribed to national imaginary more confident in a “Zaïm” (leader) rather than a collective institution such as a parliament. The turnout was at about 64% within the national 27 constituencies. Out of 70 candidates (including 5 female), 27 (with only one female) met the legal requirements to run for the presidency. The result confirms the legislative trend and Beji Caid Essebsi, leader of Nidaa, was proclaimed the third President of Tunisia. He gained 39.46% of the votes at the first round elections. Essebsi was followed by Moncef Marzouki who received an unexpected score (33.43%) at the first round, thanks to the support of Ennahdha audience and to an active and insistent campaign focused on the idea that revolution is threatened by old regime guard “come-back.” Rewarded for his long militant live, the extreme leftist Hamma Hammami in a new look gained 7,8% of the votes while the new comer Slim Riahi received 5,5% despite rumors circulating on his personal reputation. Notably, Kalthoum Kennou gained 0,55% (18.287 votes) but listed eleventh out of 27.

The attribution of motives to organizational citizenship behaviors: The influence of personality, gender and ethnicity

A major area of research in the realm of Industrial/Organizational Psychology is the exploration of specific job performance behaviors such as organizational citizenship behaviors (GCBs). However, there is a dearth of research examining how peers react to OCBs and the performers of such behaviors. Bolino noted that determining how people attribute motives to these OCBs is an important yet unanswered question in industrial/organizational psychology. The present study attempted to provide insight on what observer (or rater) traits affect the motives attributed to organizational citizenship behaviors. In particular, the effects of personality traits such as the Big Five personality factors, self-monitoring, individualism-collectivism, negative affectivity and identity factors such as cultural mistrust, ethnic orientation, and perceived similarity were examined. A within-subjects survey design was used to collect data on six hypothetical organizational citizenship behaviors from a sample of 369 participants. The gender and ethnicity of the individuals performing the hypothetical organizational citizenship behaviors were manipulated (i.e., male or female; African-American, Hispanic, or White). ^ Results indicated that both similarity (t(368) = 5.13; p .01) and personality factors (R2 = .06 for genuine motives and R2 = .05 for self-serving motives) had an effect on which motive (genuine or self-serving) was attributed to organizational citizenship behaviors. Support was found for an interaction between similarity and the observer's personality trait of conscientiousness when attributing genuine motives to organizational citizenship behaviors. Finally, specific organizational citizenship behaviors such as altruism were linked to genuine motives while OCBs like conscientiousness, sportsmanship, and civic virtue were associated with self-serving motives. ^

The attribution of motives to organizational citizenship behaviors : the influence of personality, gender and ethnicity

A major area of research in the realm of Industrial/Organizational Psychology is the exploration of specific job performance behaviors such as organizational citizenship behaviors (OCBs). However, there is a dearth of research examining how peers react to OCBs and the performers of such behaviors. Bolino noted that determining how people attribute motives to these OCBs is an important yet unanswered question in industrial/organizational psychology. The present study attempted to provide insight on what observer (or rater) traits affect the motives attributed to organizational citizenship behaviors. In particular, the effects of personality traits such as the Big Five personality factors, self-monitoring, individualism-collectivism, negative affectivity and identity factors such as cultural mistrust, ethnic orientation, and perceived similarity were examined. A within-subjects survey design was used to collect data on six hypothetical organizational citizenship behaviors from a sample of 369 participants. The gender and ethnicity of the individuals performing the hypothetical organizational citizenship behaviors were manipulated (i.e., male or female; African-American, Hispanic, or White). Results indicated that both similarity (t(368)=5.13; p .01) and personality factors (R2 =.06 for genuine motives and R2 = .05 for self-serving motives) had an effect on which motive (genuine or self-serving) was attributed to organizational citizenship behaviors. Support was found for an interaction between similarity and the observer's personality trait of conscientiousness when attributing genuine motives to organizational citizenship behaviors. Finally, specific organizational citizenship behaviors such as altruism were linked to genuine motives while OCBs like conscientiousness, sportsmanship, and civic virtue were associated with self-serving motives.