85 resultados para Erving


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This paper explores the nature of private social and environmental reporting (SER). From interviews with UK institutional investors, we show that both investors and investees employ Goffmanesque, staged impression management as a means of creating and disseminating a dual myth of social and environmental accountability. The interviewees’ utterances unveil private meetings imbued with theatrical verbal and physical impression management. Most of the time, the investors’ shared awareness of reality belongs to a Goffmanesque frame whereby they accept no intentionality, misrepresentation or fabrication, believing instead that the ‘performers’ (investees) are not intending to deceive them. A shared perception that social and environmental considerations are subordinated to financial issues renders private SER an empty encounter characterised as a relationship-building exercise with seldom any impact on investment decision-making. Investors spoke of occasional instances of fabrication but these were insufficient to break the frame of dual myth creation. They only identified a handful of instances where intentional misrepresentation had been significant enough to alter their reality and behaviour. Only in the most extreme cases of fabrication and lying did the staged meeting break frame and become a genuine occasion of accountability, where investors demanded greater transparency, further meetings and at the extreme, divested shares. We conclude that the frontstage, ritualistic impression management in private SER is inconsistent with backstage activities within financial institutions where private financial reporting is prioritised. The investors appeared to be in a double bind whereby they devoted resources to private SER but were simultaneously aware that these efforts may be at best subordinated, at worst ignored, rendering private SER a predominantly cosmetic, theatrical and empty exercise.

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This paper explores the nature of private social and environmental reporting (SER). From interviews with UK institutional investors, we show that both investors and investees employ Goffmanesque, staged impression management as a means of creating and disseminating a dual myth of social and environmental accountability. The interviewees’ utterances unveil private meetings imbued with theatrical verbal and physical impression management. Most of the time, the investors’ shared awareness of reality belongs to a Goffmanesque frame whereby they accept no intentionality, misrepresentation or fabrication, believing instead that the ‘performers’ (investees) are not intending to deceive them. A shared perception that social and environmental considerations are subordinated to financial issues renders private SER an empty encounter characterised as a relationship-building exercise with seldom any impact on investment decision-making. Investors spoke of occasional instances of fabrication but these were insufficient to break the frame of dual myth creation. They only identified a handful of instances where intentional misrepresentation had been significant enough to alter their reality and behaviour. Only in the most extreme cases of fabrication and lying did the staged meeting break frame and become a genuine occasion of accountability, where investors demanded greater transparency, further meetings and at the extreme, divested shares. We conclude that the frontstage, ritualistic impression management in private SER is inconsistent with backstage activities within financial institutions where private financial reporting is prioritised. The investors appeared to be in a double bind whereby they devoted resources to private SER but were simultaneously aware that these efforts may be at best subordinated, at worst ignored, rendering private SER a predominantly cosmetic, theatrical and empty exercise.

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Inspiradas em um ideal de mulher, as travestis investem em uma morfologia híbrida, combinando signos de masculinidade e feminilidade, que acabam por desqualificá-las para a sociedade maior. Partindo da noção de informação social de Goffman, este trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma leitura dos corpos dos sujeitos em questão, o que se dá sob uma perspectiva relacional. O corpus submetido à análise constitui-se do material obtido de pesquisa etnográfica realizada em 2002 e 2003 entre as travestis que se prostituem em Belém, Pará. De modo geral, os corpos das travestis comunicam uma diversidade de informações, as quais falam sobre estigma, desvio, violência e desejo na capital paraense.

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As pessoas com deficiências são excluídas da sociedade devido à marca negativa de descrédito recebida pelo meio social - por sua aparência ou seu modo de ser diferentes - que os coloca fora da norma classificando-os como seres desviantes. No cotidiano escolar essas marcas se afirmam e se reproduzem, não promovendo às pessoas com deficiências uma superação desse estigma. A pesquisa visa analisar como o estigma incorporado pelos alunos com deficiências influencia no processo de interação e inclusão escolar, de forma a estudar indícios de como se desenvolve o processo de estigmatização no cotidiano escolar sob a luz dos pensamentos de Erving Goffman. O presente estudo utiliza-se uma revisão de literatura especifica do tema, fundamentada nos estudos de Erving Goffman, conjuntamente à pesquisa empírica baseada na etnografia vivenciada pelo autor em seus estudos de comunidade, foram utilizadas como estratégias de pesquisa, entrevistas com três professores e observações registradas por meio de de observação de cenas do cotidiano escolar de ´duas escolas públicas do estado de SPSão Paulo . No capítulo 1 buscamos entender os constructos de Goffman principalmente por meio de sua trajetória acadêmica, no capítulo 2 o trabalho centrou-se na compreensão da interação social e principalmente na questão definida pelo autor como ordem da interação, em queentende-se que as pessoas são autores dentro de um palco social, no capítulo 3. a pesquisa aborda o termo estigma e explica sua influência na interação e no avanço das pessoas com deficiência. Por fim, o trabalho se encerra no capítulo .4 apresentando a análise das entrevistas e dos registros das cenas do cotidiano escolar. As cenas selecionadas apresentam os atores envolvidos, o cenário, e o enredo das interações, identificando as estratégias do estigma incorporado pelos alunos com deficiência e buscando ligações com as políticas inclusivas e as escolas brasileira. A pesquisa identificou que a escola, como meio de socialização e criação de saberes, possui um papel importante neste processo de mudança, apesar de muitas vezes reproduzir o estigma social. Observamos então que a escola pode auxiliar na mudança do olhar que exclui, à maneira que mostra algumas máscaras do social e da própria inclusão; no entanto é importante salientar que sua renovação e de seus agentes sociais deve valorizar as diferenças para construção de novos conhecimentos.(AU)

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As pessoas com deficiências são excluídas da sociedade devido à marca negativa de descrédito recebida pelo meio social - por sua aparência ou seu modo de ser diferentes - que os coloca fora da norma classificando-os como seres desviantes. No cotidiano escolar essas marcas se afirmam e se reproduzem, não promovendo às pessoas com deficiências uma superação desse estigma. A pesquisa visa analisar como o estigma incorporado pelos alunos com deficiências influencia no processo de interação e inclusão escolar, de forma a estudar indícios de como se desenvolve o processo de estigmatização no cotidiano escolar sob a luz dos pensamentos de Erving Goffman. O presente estudo utiliza-se uma revisão de literatura especifica do tema, fundamentada nos estudos de Erving Goffman, conjuntamente à pesquisa empírica baseada na etnografia vivenciada pelo autor em seus estudos de comunidade, foram utilizadas como estratégias de pesquisa, entrevistas com três professores e observações registradas por meio de de observação de cenas do cotidiano escolar de ´duas escolas públicas do estado de SPSão Paulo . No capítulo 1 buscamos entender os constructos de Goffman principalmente por meio de sua trajetória acadêmica, no capítulo 2 o trabalho centrou-se na compreensão da interação social e principalmente na questão definida pelo autor como ordem da interação, em queentende-se que as pessoas são autores dentro de um palco social, no capítulo 3. a pesquisa aborda o termo estigma e explica sua influência na interação e no avanço das pessoas com deficiência. Por fim, o trabalho se encerra no capítulo .4 apresentando a análise das entrevistas e dos registros das cenas do cotidiano escolar. As cenas selecionadas apresentam os atores envolvidos, o cenário, e o enredo das interações, identificando as estratégias do estigma incorporado pelos alunos com deficiência e buscando ligações com as políticas inclusivas e as escolas brasileira. A pesquisa identificou que a escola, como meio de socialização e criação de saberes, possui um papel importante neste processo de mudança, apesar de muitas vezes reproduzir o estigma social. Observamos então que a escola pode auxiliar na mudança do olhar que exclui, à maneira que mostra algumas máscaras do social e da própria inclusão; no entanto é importante salientar que sua renovação e de seus agentes sociais deve valorizar as diferenças para construção de novos conhecimentos.(AU)

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As pessoas com deficiências são excluídas da sociedade devido à marca negativa de descrédito recebida pelo meio social - por sua aparência ou seu modo de ser diferentes - que os coloca fora da norma classificando-os como seres desviantes. No cotidiano escolar essas marcas se afirmam e se reproduzem, não promovendo às pessoas com deficiências uma superação desse estigma. A pesquisa visa analisar como o estigma incorporado pelos alunos com deficiências influencia no processo de interação e inclusão escolar, de forma a estudar indícios de como se desenvolve o processo de estigmatização no cotidiano escolar sob a luz dos pensamentos de Erving Goffman. O presente estudo utiliza-se uma revisão de literatura especifica do tema, fundamentada nos estudos de Erving Goffman, conjuntamente à pesquisa empírica baseada na etnografia vivenciada pelo autor em seus estudos de comunidade, foram utilizadas como estratégias de pesquisa, entrevistas com três professores e observações registradas por meio de de observação de cenas do cotidiano escolar de ´duas escolas públicas do estado de SPSão Paulo . No capítulo 1 buscamos entender os constructos de Goffman principalmente por meio de sua trajetória acadêmica, no capítulo 2 o trabalho centrou-se na compreensão da interação social e principalmente na questão definida pelo autor como ordem da interação, em queentende-se que as pessoas são autores dentro de um palco social, no capítulo 3. a pesquisa aborda o termo estigma e explica sua influência na interação e no avanço das pessoas com deficiência. Por fim, o trabalho se encerra no capítulo .4 apresentando a análise das entrevistas e dos registros das cenas do cotidiano escolar. As cenas selecionadas apresentam os atores envolvidos, o cenário, e o enredo das interações, identificando as estratégias do estigma incorporado pelos alunos com deficiência e buscando ligações com as políticas inclusivas e as escolas brasileira. A pesquisa identificou que a escola, como meio de socialização e criação de saberes, possui um papel importante neste processo de mudança, apesar de muitas vezes reproduzir o estigma social. Observamos então que a escola pode auxiliar na mudança do olhar que exclui, à maneira que mostra algumas máscaras do social e da própria inclusão; no entanto é importante salientar que sua renovação e de seus agentes sociais deve valorizar as diferenças para construção de novos conhecimentos.(AU)

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This paper explores the nature of private social and environmental reporting (SER). From interviews with UK institutional investors, we show that both investors and investees employ Goffmanesque, staged impression management as a means of creating and disseminating a dual myth of social and environmental accountability. The interviewees' utterances unveil private meetings imbued with theatrical verbal and physical impression management. Most of the time, the investors' shared awareness of reality belongs to a Goffmanesque frame whereby they accept no intentionality, misrepresentation or fabrication, believing instead that the 'performers' (investees) are not intending to deceive them. A shared perception that social and environmental considerations are subordinated to financial issues renders private SER an empty encounter characterised as a relationship-building exercise with seldom any impact on investment decision-making. Investors spoke of occasional instances of fabrication but these were insufficient to break the frame of dual myth creation. They only identified a handful of instances where intentional misrepresentation had been significant enough to alter their reality and behaviour. Only in the most extreme cases of fabrication and lying did the staged meeting break frame and become a genuine occasion of accountability, where investors demanded greater transparency, further meetings and at the extreme, divested shares. We conclude that the frontstage, ritualistic impression management in private SER is inconsistent with backstage activities within financial institutions where private financial reporting is prioritised. The investors appeared to be in a double bind whereby they devoted resources to private SER but were simultaneously aware that these efforts may be at best subordinated, at worst ignored, rendering private SER a predominantly cosmetic, theatrical and empty exercise. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd.

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This paper uses the virtual world Second Life (as Web 2.0 environment) to discuss how sociological theory is a relevant tool for innovation in the area of games design as a methodological strategy. Via the theories of Erving Goffman’s interaction order the paper illustrates how micro studies of online interaction demonstrate active accounts of membership and complex interactivity. In order to achieve this, the paper outlines a methodological tool to assist in the application of micro sociology to Web 2.0 environments that accounts for the multiple dimensions of participation within the digital field.

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Following the position of Beer and Burrows (2007) this paper poses a re-conceptualization of Web 2.0 interaction in order to understand the properties of action possibilities in and of Web 2.0. The paper discusses the positioning of Web 2.0 social interaction in light of current descriptions, which point toward the capacities of technology in the production of social affordances within that domain (Bruns 2007; Jenkins 2006; O’Reilly 2005). While this diminishes the agency and reflexivity for users of Web 2.0 it also inadvertently positions tools as the central driver for the interactive potential available (Everitt and Mills 2009; van Dicjk 2009). In doing so it neglects the possibility that participants may be more involved in the production of Web 2.0 than the technology that underwrites it. It is this aspect of Web 2.0 that is questioned in the study with particular interest on how an analytical option may be made available to broaden the scope of investigations into Web 2.0 to include a study of the capacity for an interactive potential in light of how action possibilities are presented to users through communication with others (Bonderup Dohn 2009).

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The creative work of this study is a novel-length work of literary fiction called Keeping House (published as Grace's Table, by University of Queensland Press, April 2014). Grace has not had twelve people at her table for a long time. Hers isn't the kind of family who share regular Sunday meals. As Grace prepares the feast, she reflects on her life, her marriage and her friendships. When the three generations of her family come together, simmering tensions from the past threaten to boil over. The one thing that no one can talk about is the one thing that no one can forget. Grace's Table is a moving and often funny novel using food as a language to explore the power of memory and the family rituals that define us. The exegetical component of this study does not adhere to traditional research pedagogies. Instead, it follows the model of what the literature describes as fictocriticism. It is the intention that the exegesis be read as a hybrid genre; one that combines creative practice and theory and blurs the boundaries between philosophy and fiction. In offering itself as an alternative to the exegetical canon it provides a model for the multiplicity of knowledge production suited to the discipline of practice-led research. The exegesis mirrors structural elements of the creative work by inviting twelve guests into the domestic space of the novel to share a meal. The guests, chosen for their diverse thinking, enable examination of the various agents of power involved in the delivery of food. Their ideas cross genders, ages and time periods; their motivations and opinions often collide. Some are more concerned with the spatial politics of where food is consumed, others with its actual preparation and consumption. Each, however, provides a series of creative reflective conversations throughout the meal which help to answer the research question: How can disempowered women take authority within their domestic space? Michel de Certeau must defend his "operational tactics" or "art of the weak" 1 as a means by which women can subvert the colonisation of their domestic space against Michel Foucault's ideas about the functions of a "disciplinary apparatus". 2 Erving Goffman argues that the success of de Certeau's "tactics" depends upon his theories of "performance" and "masquerade" 3; a claim de Certeau refutes. Doreen Massey and the author combine forces in arguing for space, time and politics to be seen as interconnected, non-static and often contested. The author calls for identity, or sense of self, to be considered a further dimension which impacts on the function of spatial models. Yu-Fi Tuan speaks of the intimacy of kitchens; Gaston Bachelard the power of daydreams; and Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin gives the reader a taste of the nourishing arts. Roland Barthes forces the author to reconsider her function as a writer and her understanding of the reader's relationship with a text. Fictional characters from two texts have a place at the table – Marian from The Edible Woman by Margaret Atwood 4 and Lilian from Lilian's Story by Kate Grenville. 5 Each explores how they successfully subverted expectations of their gender. The author interprets and applies elements of the conversations to support Grace's tactics in the novel as well as those related to her own creative research practice. Grace serves her guests, reflecting on what is said and how it relates to her story. Over coffee, the two come together to examine what each has learned.

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The majority of the world’s population now lives in cities (United Nations, 2008) resulting in an urban densification requiring people to live in closer proximity and share urban infrastructure such as streets, public transport, and parks within cities. However, “physical closeness does not mean social closeness” (Wellman, 2001, p. 234). Whereas it is a common practice to greet and chat with people you cross paths with in smaller villages, urban life is mainly anonymous and does not automatically come with a sense of community per se. Wellman (2001, p. 228) defines community “as networks of interpersonal ties that provide sociability, support, information, a sense of belonging and social identity.” While on the move or during leisure time, urban dwellers use their interactive information communication technology (ICT) devices to connect to their spatially distributed community while in an anonymous space. Putnam (1995) argues that available technology privatises and individualises the leisure time of urban dwellers. Furthermore, ICT is sometimes used to build a “cocoon” while in public to avoid direct contact with collocated people (Mainwaring et al., 2005; Bassoli et al., 2007; Crawford, 2008). Instead of using ICT devices to seclude oneself from the surrounding urban environment and the collocated people within, such devices could also be utilised to engage urban dwellers more with the urban environment and the urban dwellers within. Urban sociologists found that “what attracts people most, it would appear, is other people” (Whyte, 1980, p. 19) and “people and human activity are the greatest object of attention and interest” (Gehl, 1987, p. 31). On the other hand, sociologist Erving Goffman describes the concept of civil inattention, acknowledging strangers’ presence while in public but not interacting with them (Goffman, 1966). With this in mind, it appears that there is a contradiction between how people are using ICT in urban public places and for what reasons and how people use public urban places and how they behave and react to other collocated people. On the other hand there is an opportunity to employ ICT to create and influence experiences of people collocated in public urban places. The widespread use of location aware mobile devices equipped with Internet access is creating networked localities, a digital layer of geo-coded information on top of the physical world (Gordon & de Souza e Silva, 2011). Foursquare.com is an example of a location based 118 Mobile Multimedia – User and Technology Perspectives social network (LBSN) that enables urban dwellers to virtually check-in into places at which they are physically present in an urban space. Users compete over ‘mayorships’ of places with Foursquare friends as well as strangers and can share recommendations about the space. The research field of Urban Informatics is interested in these kinds of digital urban multimedia augmentations and how such augmentations, mediated through technology, can create or influence the UX of public urban places. “Urban informatics is the study, design, and practice of urban experiences across different urban contexts that are created by new opportunities of real-time, ubiquitous technology and the augmentation that mediates the physical and digital layers of people networks and urban infrastructures” (Foth et al., 2011, p. 4). One possibility to augment the urban space is to enable citizens to digitally interact with spaces and urban dwellers collocated in the past, present, and future. “Adding digital layer to the existing physical and social layers could facilitate new forms of interaction that reshape urban life” (Kjeldskov & Paay, 2006, p. 60). This methodological chapter investigates how the design of UX through such digital placebased mobile multimedia augmentations can be guided and evaluated. First, we describe three different applications that aim to create and influence the urban UX through mobile mediated interactions. Based on a review of literature, we describe how our integrated framework for designing and evaluating urban informatics experiences has been constructed. We conclude the chapter with a reflective discussion on the proposed framework.