14 resultados para ESDP


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The European Neighbourhood Policy’s birth has taken place in parallel with the renewed momentum of the European Security and Defence Policy, which has launched 14 operations since 2003. Both policies’ instruments have converged in the neighbouring area covered by ENP: Georgia, in the East and the Palestinian Territories in the South. In both cases, the Security Sector Reform strategies have been the main focus for ESDP and an important objective for ENP. In this paper, two objectives are pursued: first, to assess the EU’s involvement in both cases in SSR terms; and second, to analyse whether the convergence of ESDP operations with a broader EU neighbourhood policy implies that the former has become an instrument for the a EU external action.

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How can we best understand the emergence of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP)? This paper applies the theories of historical institutionalism and experiential learning to offer a dynamic conceptualisation of moves towards an ESDP which highlights some of the causal factors that a more temporally-restricted analysis would miss. It firstly shows how the institutional and functional expansion of European Political Cooperation (EPC) over the course of the 1970s and 80s gave rise to a context in which the development of a security and defence dimension came to be viewed as more logical and even necessary. It then goes on to analyse some of the external factors (in the form of actors, events and institutions) that further pushed in this direction and proved to influence the policy’s subsequent evolution. The paper is therefore intended to act as a first-step to understanding the ESDP’s development from this perspective.

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As commonly held, the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) suffers from a “double democratic deficit”: the EP has a marginal role in the ESDP-making process and the national parliaments remain unable to account for their own government. Therefore pressure coming from these two institutions had been exercised during the Convention on the Future of Europe to improve the democratic oversight on this rapidly evolving policy. This paper investigates the innovations included in the Constitutional Treaty, focusing specifically on the new role granted to the EP. It shows that even though this text does not substantially modify the inter-institutional balance of powers in the ESDP area, the EP may take advantage of some of its articles to become an actor in the ESDP-control process in the ‘living constitution.

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This paper examines the importance that the current Convention on the Future of Europe is giving (or not) to the question of democratic accountability in European foreign and defence policy. As all European Union (EU) member states are parliamentary democracies1, and as there is a European Parliament (EP) which also covers CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy2) matters, I will concentrate on parliamentary accountability rather than democratic accountability more widely defined. Where appropriate, I will also refer to the work of other transnational parliamentary bodies such as the North Atlantic Assembly or NAA (NATO´s Parliamentary Assembly) or the Western European Union (WEU) Parliamentary Assembly3. The article will consist of three sections. First, I will briefly put the question under study within its wider context (section 1). Then, I will examine the current level of parliamentary accountability in CFSP and defence matters (section 2). Finally, I will consider the current Convention debate and assess how much attention is being given to the question of accountability in foreign and defence policies (section 3). This study basically argues that, once again, there is very little interest in an issue that should be considered as vital for the future democratic development of a European foreign and defence policy. It is important to note however that this paper does not cover the wider debate about how to democratise and make the EU more transparent and closer to its citizens. It concentrates on its Second Pillar because its claim is that very little if any attention is being given to this question

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La question de la protection des données à caractère personnel posée dans le cadre des activités d’assistance et de soutien des missions civiles de gestion de crise ne semble guère avoir suscité l’intérêt des instances en charge de leur gestion et ce en dépit de son importance majeure au regard des tâches exécutées quotidiennement par les agents de ces missions dans le domaine de la coopération policière et judiciaire en matière pénale. S’appuyant sur une expérience de terrain, l’auteur s’efforcera, dans ces lignes, de démontrer la nécessité d’entamer une réflexion de fond sur ce sujet afin, le cas échéant, de prendre les initiatives utiles destinées à porter remède aux difficultés qui, en ce domaine, pourraient apparaître.

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This book addresses the debate on the democratic deficit of European foreign and defence policies. This debate revolves around two dimensions. The first one has to do with the accountability of CFSP institutions. Is the current degree of parliamentary oversight of these policies the most appropriate? Has the disengagement of national parliaments regarding European foreign policy been counterbalanced by giving sufficient powers to the European Parliament? And, regarding the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), are national parliaments effectively controlling it? The second dimension of the debate is related to the wider question of whether the European Parliament is capable of legitimising EU policy outcomes. In the absence of a Europe-wide demos and of a true party system, what interests do Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent when dealing with foreign policy issues? Are there transnational cleavages in foreign policy or are they mainly national? Furthermore, is the European Parliament developing a transnational, autonomous stance on foreign policy issues, different from that of the Council or the Commission? The present volume is the result of the 2nd Meeting of the FORNET Working Group on “Evolution and Accountability of CFSP Institutions” organised by the Observatory of European Foreign Policy (Research line of the Institut Universitari d’Estudis Europeus), which took place in Barcelona, the 4 and 5 March 2005.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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O processo de construção de uma comunidade europeia de segurança iniciou-se em 1953. Apenas em 2003 foi adotada uma Estratégia Europeia de Segurança e só em 2010, com a entrada em vigor do Tratado de Lisboa, se criou uma política comum de segurança e defesa. Desde 2003, nestes 10 anos de PESD/PCSD, foram lançadas cerca de 30 missões em regiões diferentes como os Balcãs, a África Subsahariana, o Sahel e o espaço da ex-União Soviética, tocando áreas tão vastas como a reforma do setor da segurança, a formação e controlo alfandegário, o combate à pirataria ou a formação militar. Portugal participou em 11 dessas missões. O elenco de riscos e ameaças constantes da Estratégia Europeia de Segurança, revisto e atualizado em 2008, é exaustivo e mantém-se ajustado à presente situação internacional. As dificuldades da UE, no domínio da PCSD, prendem-se sobretudo com um conjunto de défices, em particular de vontade política e de recursos materiais e finanaceiros e não com a revisão da EES. Uma abordagem pragmática, que passe pela melhor definição de prioridaddes, de estratégias regionais, do reforço das capacidades e das industriais de defesa, seria a melhor orientação que o Conselho EUropeu de Dezembro de 2013 poderia dar às Instituições Europeias e aos Estados membros, no sentido de um esforço conjunto com vista a manter e a reforçar o papel da União Europeia enquanto fornecedor de segurança no sistema internacional.

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Objective: the aim of this in vivo study was to evaluate the response of the pulp-dentin complex following application of resin-modified glass-ionomer cement, calcium hydroxide hard-setting cement and EDTA-soluble preparation of dentine matrix proteins (ESDP) in deep cavities prepared in non-human primate teeth. Methods: Eighteen deep Class V buccal cavities were prepared in premolars of four capuccin monkeys. In Groups 1 and 2, the cavity floor was lined with ESDP or a resin-modified glass-ionomer cement (Vitrebond - 3M ESPE), respectively. In Group 3 (control), the cavity was lined with a hard setting calcium hydroxide cement (Dycal - Dentsply). The cavities were subsequently filled with amalgam. After 6 months, the animals were sacrificed and the teeth were prepared for microscopic assessment. Six-micron thick serial sections were stained with H/E, Masson's trichrome and Brown & Brenn techniques. Results: No inflammatory pulpal response was observed for all experimental and control Groups. However, the amount of reactionary dentin deposition differed between groups in the rank order ESDP (Group 1) > calcium hydroxide (Group 3) > resin-modified glass-ionomer (Group 2). These differences were statistically significant. Conclusions: All materials were biocompatible when applied in deep cavities. ESDP stimulated higher deposition of reactionary dentin matrix than Vitrebond and Dycal.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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This thesis deals with cooperation between France, Germany and the United Kingdom within the area of foreign and security policy. Two case studies are presented, one of them concerning cooperation between the three states within and outside institutions in 1980 following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the other dealing with cooperation concerning the crisis in Macedonia in 2001. In accordance with the approach of neoliberal institutionalism the primary hypothesis is that cooperation is primarily determined by the interests of states but it is also limited by norms and affected by the institutions of which the three states are members. The study describes the large variety of forms of cooperation that exist between France, Germany and the United Kingdom, in which the United States also plays an important part, and which also includes their cooperation within a number of international institutions. The study also points to the new forms of interaction between states and institutions that have come about since the Cold War ended, and which give a stronger role to institutions and the cooperation between them. Still, however, states retain a decisive role in cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy.

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El objetivo del artículo es exponer una adecuada y necesaria redefinición de la política de la UE hacia el Norte de África y el Sahel, tanto en términos geográficos como en términos estratégicos de acuerdo con lo expuesto en la nueva Estrategia Global Europea. En este sentido, se revisarán los postulados y la evolución de la antigua Estrategia Europea de Seguridad (EES) y su consiguiente Política de Vecindad (ENP), en comparación con la recién lanzada Estrategia. La nueva Estrategia es concebida como una guía para el desarrollo de la política exterior y de seguridad que la UE ha de llevar a cabo, inter alia, en su periferia. Lamentablemente su concepción de esta zona regional resulta anclada en el pasado.