989 resultados para Drug problem


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The Scottish National Drugs Strategy requires the 22 regional Drug Action Teams to prepare and submit to the Scottish Executive annual action plans for tackling drug misuse in their areas. These plans should address national and local priorities, including their contribution to the achievement of national targets. These comprise three parts: Part A provides an overview of the DAT structures and working; Part B provides detailed information on current local services and Part C reports plans for 2003/04.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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In this report for the Medico Social Research Board the author provides an overview of the drug problem in Dublin's inner city. On 12-14 July 1982 the author visited the Sean Mac Dermott street area of the inner city, the Eastern Health Board, Coolmine Community, Jervis Street Drug Advisory and Treatment Centre and the Garda drug squad. From these interviews, the author concludes that Dublin's inner city has a serious problem with drug use, in particular the injecting of heroin. Heroin addicts steal on a regular basis to fund their habit, and frequently inject themselves in public spaces of local authority flat complexes. Despite the best efforts of the support services (Social workers, doctors, Gardai and clergy) there is a high prevalence of injecting heroin use. There has also been abuse of prescription services. Addicts frequently seek opiates from a small number of doctors who are willing to prescribe. Drug education is severely lacking or inappropriate, according to the author, and the Garda drug squad is severely over stretched. While cannabis use is said to be prevalent in Dublin's two universities, drug use has been most problematic in the deprived parts of the city. The author presents the drug epidemic, which has developed over the last two years, in moral terms, and wonders if Christian society, in particular the Catholic Church, and the health authorities can do anything to stop the crisis from worsening. Recommendations include; conducting epidemiological surveys to determine the true extent of the problem, cross disciplinary co-operation, greater drug awareness through education, and more rehabilitation units.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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This report consists of a number of case histories and taped interviews with drug users in which they speak about their reasons for taking drugs. The author also analyses the drug trafficking scene, which is based on the importation of drugs from London, Northern Ireland, robbery of chemists' shops and forged prescriptions. The author concludes that adequately equipped drug clinics, advisory services and better police precautions all have an important part to play in dealing with the drugs problem. He also concludes the Drug Squad needs to be strengthened and educational programmes about the dangers of drugs need to be introduced into schools.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

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Prescription drug abuse is the Nation’s fastest-growing drug problem. While there has been a marked decrease in the use of some illegal drugs like cocaine, data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) show that nearly one-third of people aged 12 and over who used drugs for the first time in 2009 began by using a prescription drug non-medically.1 The same survey found that over 70 percent of people who abused prescription pain relievers got them from friends or relatives, while approximately 5 percent got them from a drug dealer or from the Internet.2 Additionally, the latest Monitoring the Future study—the Nation’s largest survey of drug use among young people—showed that prescription drugs are the second most-abused category of drugs after marijuana.3 In our military, illicit drug use increased from 5 percent to 12 percent among active duty service members over a three-year period from 2005 to 2008, primarily attributed to prescription drug abuse.

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Prescription drug abuse is the nation’s fastest-growing drug problem, as outlined by the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy’s 2011 national plan “Responding to America’s Prescription Drug Abuse Crisis.” The urgency of the challenge is underscored in other reports, including a recent analysis by the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) that said: “Overdoses involving prescription painkillers are at epidemic levels and now kill more Americans than heroin and cocaine combined.” According to the CDC, more than 40 people die in America every day from overdoses involving narcotic pain relievers such as hydrocodone (Vicodin), oxycodone (Oxycontin), methadone and oxymorphone (Opana). In Iowa, the situation is similar, at least in some ways. Prescription drug abuse is one of the fastest-growing forms of substance abuse in our state too, though its scope is smaller and on a more manageable scale when compared with most other states. The Iowa Department of Public Health, Bureau of Vital Statistics, reports the drug overdose deaths of at least 130 Iowans over the last three years (2008-2010) due to non-heroin opioids (i.e., prescription pain relievers such as oxycodone, hydrocodone and methadone), nearly as many as for the previous eight years combined (149 from 2000-2007).

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The aim of this thesis is to critically examine drug prevention as a field of problematizations  – how drug prevention becomes established as a political technology within this field, how it connects to certain modes of governance, how and under which conditions it constitutes it’s problematic, the questions it asks,  it´s implications in terms of political participation and representation, the various bodies of knowledge through which it constitutes the reality upon which it acts, the limits it places on ways of being, questioning, and talking  in the world. The main analyses have been conducted in four separate but interrelated articles. Each article addresses a specific dimension of drug prevention in order to get a grasp of how this field is organized. Article 1 examines the shift that has occurred in the Swedish context during the period 1981–2011 in how drugs have been problematized, what knowledge has grounded the specific modes of problematization and which modes of governance this has enabled. In article 2, the currently dominant scientific discipline in the field of drug prevention – prevention science – is critically examined in terms of how it constructs the “drug problem” and the underlying assumptions it carries in regard to reality and political governance. Article 3 addresses the issue of communities’ democratic participation in drug prevention efforts by analyzing the theoretical foundations of the Communities That Care prevention program. The article seeks to uncover how notions of community empowerment and democratic participation are constructed, and how the “community” is established as a political entity in the program. The fourth and final article critically examines the Swedish Social and Emotional Training (SET) program and the political implications of the relationship the program establishes between the subject and emotions. The argument is made that, within the field of drug prevention, questions of political values and priorities in a problematic way are decoupled from the political field and pose a significant problem in terms of the possibilities to engage in democratic deliberation. Within this field of problematizations it becomes impossible to mobilize a politics against social injustice, poverty and inequality. At the same time, the scientific grounding of this mode of governing the drugproblem” acts to naturalize a specific – highly political – way of engaging with drugs.

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In this issue, we take a closer look at the individual risk factors measured by the LSI-R. There are several risk factors that the LSI-R assessment tool measures: Criminal History; Education/Employment; Financial; Family/Marital; Accommodations (Living Situation); Leisure/Recreation; Companions; Alcohol/Drug Problem; Emotional/Personal; and Attitudes/Orientation.

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Les études rhétoriques ont documenté la pertinence de la rhétorique présidentielle et le pouvoir du président de définir les enjeux publics par le discours. Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques rhétoriques par lesquelles l'ancien président mexicain Calderón a défini la lutte contre la drogue qui a caractérisé son administration. Je soutiens que Calderón a avancé une définition du problème de la drogue par des pratiques de définition telles que l'association, la dissociation et les symboles de condensation. Mon analyse 1) identifie les pratiques rhétoriques de définition qui ont caractérisé la lutte à la drogue de Calderón; 2) examine les implications de ces pratiques; et 3) aborde les limites auxquelles les politiciens font face en tentant de modifier des définitions préalablement avancées. En conclusion, j’explique comment les métaphores et les pratiques de définition de Calderón ont ouvert un espace rhétorique où les droits humains pouvaient être révoqués et la violence encouragée.

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Compared to male offenders, very few studies have been published on drug use by female offenders. This paper, base on the interviews of 94 female offenders incarcerated aim to enlighten this obscure situation. Results indicate that drug use by female inmates is very important and, in some way problematic. It is not to say that their drug use cause crimes, but their drug problem need to be addressed thoughtfully.

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La presente investigación pretende analizar la incidencia de la problemática del narcotráfico en México sobre la consolidación de la cooperación bilateral con Estados Unidos, en el lapso de tiempo entre 2000 y 2009. Para alcanzar dicho objetivo, en el primer capítulo se describen las principales dinámicas del narcotráfico en México, evidenciando las principales organizaciones criminales que se dan al interior del país y las actividades que promueven, así mismo, los principales flujos del tráfico de drogas hacia Estados Unidos. Posteriormente, en el segundo capítulo, se explican las consecuencias que esta problemática ha dejado en México y en Estados Unidos y a continuación, en el tercer y último capítulo, se lleva a cabo un análisis sobre la cooperación que se ha dado entre ambos países en pro de eliminar esta problemática. De igual manera, las fuentes que se emplean para el desarrollo de la presente investigación son de tipo secundarias, se emplean técnicas bibliográficas y documentos no académicos, páginas web, artículos de prensa, entre otros. En términos teóricos se toma como referencia la postura funcionalista expuesta por David Mitrany, y algunos elementos de la teoría de la Interdependencia compleja expuesta por Robert Keohane y Joseph Nye. De igual manera, se hace referencia a la reflexión de Buzan, quien hace énfasis en el concepto de seguridad regional y cómo ésta condiciona la agenda de los Estados.

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Esta monografía buscó describir y caracterizar la participación de los representantes de los Estados de las Américas en el proceso de securitización que dio origen al régimen contra las drogas en la región entre los años 1986 y 1996. Así mismo, buscó analizar la forma en que se articuló la participación de dichos actores, con las características de los Estados a los que representaron, y a su vez con las dinámicas de seguridad y relaciones de poder en el hemisferio.

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Esta investigación diagnóstica tiene por objeto la elaboración de un marco de recomendaciones para el Consejo Suramericano sobre el Problema Mundial de Drogas con el fin de actuar frente al problema de las drogas en la región a partir del diagnóstico de los alcances y limitaciones de la Comisión Interamericana para el Control del Abuso de Drogas (CICAD) y la decisión 505 o Plan Andino de Cooperación para la Lucha contra las Drogas Ilícitas y Delitos Conexos.

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El objetivo de este trabajo monográfico es analizar la evolución del problema de las drogas dentro del marco de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) durante el periodo comprendido entre los años 2003 y 2013. Se desarrolla un estudio sobre los dos grupos de países que más han participado en lo concerniente a este tema. Por un lado Estados Unidos, Canadá y México; y por otro lado Colombia, Perú y Bolivia son lo países que por sus lógicas y tendencias han impulsado este problema y su evolución, y por tanto también desde los cuales se han impulsado las diferentes tendencias y/o soluciones que en cuanto a este problema oscilan dentro de la OEA. Iniciando con la tendencia prohibicionista en 1978, en los últimos años se han desarrollado otras dos: la despenalización y la legalización. El análisis sobre la incidencia que han tenido los países nombrados anteriormente en el problema de las drogas se desarrollará a partir de la comprensión aportada por la teoría de los Complejos Regionales de Seguridad.

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A Lei nº 11.343 de 23 de agosto de 2006 (Lei de Drogas) instituiu o Sistema Nacional de Políticas Públicas sobre Drogas e criou as diretrizes para a política de drogas brasileira. Dentre o conjunto de medidas trazidas pela lei em seu dispositivo criminal está a criação de um tipo penal específico de cultivo de plantas para produção de drogas para consumo pessoal (art. 28, §1º). O plantio para consumo recebe o mesmo tratamento jurídico-penal que o porte para consumo (art. 28), sendo previstas sanções alternativas à privação de liberdade. O §2º do art. 28 da Lei de Drogas estabelece os critérios que as autoridades competentes do sistema de justiça criminal deverão considerar na tipificação penal das situações de cultivo. Este trabalho se debruça sobre a tipificação penal de situações de cultivo de canábis em acórdãos do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. A problemática de pesquisa aqui desenvolvida discute especificamente quais são os argumentos e como eles são apresentados nas decisões para justificar a determinação de que uma situação de cultivo é para fins de tráfico ou de consumo pessoal. O trabalho busca identificar como os critérios do §2º do art. 28 da Lei de Drogas são apresentados na fundamentação de decisões judiciais em que se discute na esfera criminal se uma situação de cultivo é para “consumo pessoal” ou “destinada a terceiros”. Uma pergunta central norteia a pesquisa realizada: quais os elementos e de que forma eles são utilizados nas decisões analisadas para tipificação do plantio para consumo pessoal (art. 28, §1º, da Lei de Drogas) e do plantio destinado a fornecer drogas a terceiros (art. 33, §1º, II)? Para enfrentar a problemática de pesquisa utilizamos a ferramenta de busca de acórdãos disponibilizada no sítio eletrônico do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. Foram analisados 135 acórdãos do TJSP que enfrentam diretamente a controvérsia relativa à tipificação penal de situações de cultivo de canábis. Os acórdãos foram proferidos entre os anos de 1998 e 2014 e foram selecionados segundo os critérios especificados no capítulo metodológico da dissertação. Os resultados quantitativos da pesquisa dizem respeito às informações gerais dos processos, elementos de prova mencionados nos acórdãos, características das situações de cultivo e fundamentação da tipificação penal. A discussão qualitativa sobre os resultados da pesquisa é promovida em quatro frentes: (i) interpretação e valoração da quantidade de drogas; (ii) antecedentes criminais, circunstâncias da prisão e do agente; (iii) materiais de venda e outros elementos relevantes na tipificação penal; e (iv) características do conjunto probatório. As questões discutidas nestas frentes circunscrevem o problema de pesquisa e é a partir delas que é feita a análise apresentada neste trabalho. Esperamos conseguir contribuir para melhor compreensão (i) da determinação da finalidade do cultivo e (ii) das implicações jurídicas que decorrem da opção legislativa pela não utilização de critérios quantitativos na definição dos crimes de tráfico de drogas e plantio para consumo.