147 resultados para Dialectology


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This chapter examines how linguists have investigated the very obvious fact that different places house different dialects. We will not look at the results of such work nor how they have been used to answer linguistic and sociolinguistic questions (see Britain 2009, in press). Here we simply examine the steps dialectologists take and have taken to conduct multi-locality research on language variation. In order to do so, five studies from different time periods are presented and critiqued, examining a number of key methodological elements in each: 1. The aim of geographical dialectology is to examine variation across space, in different places. How do dialectologists then decide which places in that space to analyse? Why choose one village and not its neighbour? Why avoid that city? This question goes to the very heart of the geographical motivation of the research. 2. What sorts of speakers will be sampled from these locations? 3. What type of data is to be collected from these speakers? 4. In what circumstances is that data to be recorded? Who will collect it, in what setting and how will the voices of the speakers be captured for later analysis? As we will see, dialectological methodologies always involve compromises, no approach is ever flawless. Ultimately, a good number of difficult practical decisions have to be taken – how long can this research take, and what are the financial restrictions on the project? As we will see geographical dialectology is probably the most expensive and the most time consuming of all forms of language variation research.

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This article presents a new method for data collection in regional dialectology based on site-restricted web searches. The method measures the usage and determines the distribution of lexical variants across a region of interest using common web search engines, such as Google or Bing. The method involves estimating the proportions of the variants of a lexical alternation variable over a series of cities by counting the number of webpages that contain the variants on newspaper websites originating from these cities through site-restricted web searches. The method is evaluated by mapping the 26 variants of 10 lexical variables with known distributions in American English. In almost all cases, the maps based on site-restricted web searches align closely with traditional dialect maps based on data gathered through questionnaires, demonstrating the accuracy of this method for the observation of regional linguistic variation. However, unlike collecting dialect data using traditional methods, which is a relatively slow process, the use of site-restricted web searches allows for dialect data to be collected from across a region as large as the United States in a matter of days.

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The paper disputes two influential claims in the Romance Linguistics literature. The first is that the synthetic future tenses in spoken Western Romance are now rivalled, if not supplanted, as temporal functors by the more recently developed GO futures. The second is that these synthetic futures now have modal rather than temporal meanings in spoken Romance. These claims are seen as reflecting a universal cycle of diachronic change, in which verb forms originally expressing modal (or aspectual) values take on future temporal reference, becoming tenses. The new modal meanings supplant the temporal, which are then taken up by new forms. Challenges to this theory for French are raised on the basis of empirical evidence of two sorts. Positively, future tenses in spoken Romance continue to be used with temporal meaning. Negatively, evidence of modal meaning for these forms is lacking. The evidence comes froma corpora of spoken French, native speaker judgements and verb data from a daily broadsheet. Cumulatively, it points to the reverse of the claims noted above: the synthetic future in spoken French has temporal but little modal meaning.

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There is a morpheme 'li' in Mauritian Creole (MC), which is homophonous with the 3sg pronoun, and which, in the early creole, occurs frequently between the subject and the predicate in affirmative, present tense clauses. I propose that that 'li' may have originated as a resumptive pronoun, co-referential with the subject, but following the grammaticalization of new determiner elements to mark the semantic contrasts of [±definite] and singular vs. plural, 'li' has now grammaticalized into a predicate marker. Its presence is sensitive to both the nature of the predicate, and to the definiteness and specificity features of the subject NP. My analysis is within the framework of Truth Conditional Semantics, where indefinite NPs are analyzed as variables that get introduced into the discourse, and must be bound by an operator to yield a closed proposition, with a truth value. Drawing on a comparison with a cognative morpheme 'i' in Seychellois Creole, I claim that its path to grammaticalization is linked to that of the specificity marking 'la'.

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This paper argues that at a particular stage in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC), the 3sg possessive pronoun 'so', inherited from the French 'son' was used as a definite determiner as well as a possessive pronoun. It was used when there was a need to single out a unique element in the discourse, or to introduce a new referent which was to become the focus of attention. 'So' was mostly used with genitive constructions, where a phonologically null determiner was equally grammatical. This paper argues that, in the early creole, genitive constructions licensed the determinative use of this pronoun. The use of 'so' with genitive constructions is no longer grammatical in modern MC, but this particle continues to be used as an emphatic determiner, where it now modifies both singular and plural NPs.

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This paper describes the emergence of new functional items in the Mauritian Creole noun phrase, following the collapse of the French determiner system when superstrate and substrate came into contact. The aim of the paper is to show how the new language strived to express the universal semantic contrasts of (in)definiteness and singular vs. plural. The process of grammaticalization of new functional items in the determiner system was accompanied by changes in the syntax from French to creole. An analysis within Chomsky’s Minimalist framework (1995, 2000, 2001) suggests that these changes were driven by the need to map semantic features onto the syntax.