987 resultados para Corruption, Africa, state


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The chapter examines the compex roles of corruption in state-buioding environments. The first section briefly outlines how statebuilding is conceptualized in this discussion. The second section examines the concept of corruption,and argues that the organization, rather than the scale of corruption, offers a better lens through which its impact can be analyzed. The third section examines the complex relationship between corruption and statebuilding through the lenses of two key aspects of statebuilding – elite settlements, and the provision of public services – and briefly discusses both the complex relationship between corruption and security, and the impact of aid on corruption in statebuilding environments. The fourth section concludes the chapter with a reflection on the implications of the analysis for understanding contemporary statebuilding efforts and policy.

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As empresas estatais são freqüentemente consideradas como componentes cruciais da economia de um país. Eles são responsáveis pela criação de vários postos de trabalho e proveem serviços essenciais que exigem um grande investimento de capital. Porém, em países com instituições fracas, onde a responsabilidade dos políticos é limitada e a gestão dos recursos financeiros das empresas estatais sofre pouco controle, os funcionários são muitas vezes tentados pela corrupção. Enormes quantidades de fundos públicos são facilmente desviados, e dinheiro que deveria ter sido investido nas despesas de capital, no pagamento de dívida da empresa ou no aumento do retorno para os acionistas, é usado para aumentar a riqueza privada de indivíduos ou para financiar ilegalmente partidos políticos. O desempenho da empresa sofre com essas alienações visto que parte dos lucros da empresa não são reinvestidos na empresa e dado que incentivos dos gestores estão desalinhados com os interesses dos acionistas. Petrobras, a maior empresa da América Latina em termos de ativos e receitas anuais, sofreu em 2014 e 2015 um escândalo de corrupção imenso, cujo impacto económico foi considerável, levando ao enfraquecimento da confiança de muitos investidores no Brasil após o evento. O escândalo expôs um extenso esquema de corrupção através do qual os contratantes foram conspirando para aumentar os preços de contratos de construção, com a aprovação da administração da Petrobras que pediu em troca ganhos pessoais ou fundos para o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). A exposição do escândalo na imprensa brasileira teve um grande impacto sobre a credibilidade da Petrobras: as contas da empresa estavam escondendo imensas irregularidades dado que a empresa tinha pago demais para os contratos de construção que não foram precificados no valor do mercado. Ao longo deste estudo, usamos o exemplo da Petrobras para ilustrar como a corrupção dentro empresas estatais prejudica o desempenho da empresa e como ela afeta as várias partes interessadas da empresa.

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Nucleotide sequences of two regions of the genomes of 11 yellow fever virus (YFV) samples isolated from monkeys or humans with symptomatic yellow fever (YF) in Brazil in 2000,2004, and 2008 were determined with the objective of establishing the genotypes and studying the genetic variation. Results of the Bayesian phylogenetic analysis showed that sequences generated from strains from 2004 and 2008 formed a new subclade within the clade 1 of the South American genotype I. The new subgroup is here designated as 1E. Sequences of YFV strains recovered in 2000 belong to the subclade 1D, which comprises previously characterized YFV strains from Brazil. Molecular dating analyses suggested that the new subclade 1E started diversifying from 1D about 1975 and that the most recent 2004-2008 isolates arose about 1985. J. Med. Virol. 82:175-185, 2010. (C) 2009 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

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A study was undertaken to investigate the role of Trypanosoma vivax in sheep and goat mortality and abortions in the Brazilian semiarid region, where outbreaks Had been previously reported in bovines. For this purpose, 177 goats and 248 sheep (20% of herds) were randomly sampled on four farms in the State of Paraiba in May and October 2008. The animals were screened for trypanosomes by the buffy coat technique (BCT) and PCR. Infected animals, similar to 25% in both surveys, manifested apathy, pale mucous membranes, enlarged lymph nodes, weakness, weight loss, opacity of the cornea, blindness and abortion. However, the animals with acute and severe disease showing the highest levels of parasitemia and fever, which many times resulted in death, were only detected in the first survey. These severely diseased animals exhibited progressive weight loss and had the smallest packed cell volume (PCV) values. During survey 2, done in October 2008 on the same farms, only animals with low parasitemia and normal temperatures, PCV values and body weights were detected. Therefore, animals that spontaneously recovered from acute infection developed chronic and asymptomatic disease. This finding demonstrated for the first time that sheep and goats, which are the most important livestock in the semiarid region of Brazil, may be severely injured by T. vivax infection and also play a role as asymptomatic carriers and important sources of T. vivax to ruminants in general. Published by Elsevier B.V.

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O objetivo desta dissertação foi verificar a influência da corrupção na taxa de crescimento do produto, investimentos públicos, gastos totais e gastos específicos dos governos estaduais do Brasil. Como não tínhamos um índice de percepção da corrupção como Mauro (1996) possuía para captar esta influência entre países, e Mauro (1998) e Van Rijckeghem e Weder (1997) já haviam demonstrado que a variável que melhor explicava este índice era a relação de salários entre o setor público e privado, utilizamos esta relação como variável para a proxy de corrupção por estado. Este tipo de variável nos possibilitou enxergar a corrupção em diferentes níveis: diferença na média, mediana, 25% piores (menos qualificados) e 25% melhores (mais qualificados). Não obtivemos qualquer evidência forte da influência da corrupção sobre a taxa de crescimento do produto ou sobre o nível de investimento público, mas a encontramos em alguns gastos específicos. Nossos resultados mais contundentes foram encontrados quando houve uma redução dos salários, o que indicaria um aumento na corrupção, levou a uma expansão dos gastos com assistência e previdência e a uma redução nos gastos com Administração e planejamento.

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Challenging the view of asymmetrical power relations between China and Africa, this thesis questions the "Chinese comparative advantages" (monolithic state power and economic advantages) of Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in Africa. It argues that the power dynamics between Chinese and African actors are dialectical and pluralistic, with localized social capital representing the true Chinese competitive advantage in Africa. Based on ethnographical fieldwork conducted in Ghana, this thesis shows that Chinese SOEs pursue their globalization in a double context - that of the deliberate "retreat" of the Chinese state, and more importantly, that of Ghanaian governance and society (characterized by political party patronage, extraversion dynamics, and worker agency). The trajectories of Chinese expatriates' expatriation/ social promotion and their SOEs' globalization/ localization are mutually influenced and reinforced. By cultivating local relationships and knowledge, a provincial Chinese SOE in Ghana can outperform a large Chinese central SOE, even if the latter has more support from the Chinese state. Moreover, the recent effort to build a "socially acceptable Chinese community" in Ghana has renewed the power dynamics between the Chinese state and the SOEs. All these observations provide for constructing a new perspective of Chinese SOEs in Africa - a "second-class" Chinese globalization - the SOEs may begin with few privileges, but promotion over time is possible. -- A contre pied des approches postulant des relations de pouvoir asymétriques entre la Chine et l'Afrique, cette thèse interroge les « avantages comparatifs chinois » (pouvoir de l'État monolithique et avantages économiques) des entreprises publiques chinoises (EPC) en Afrique. Elle soutient l'idée selon laquelle les dynamiques de pouvoir entre les acteurs chinois et africains est dialectique et pluraliste, et le capital social localisé étant le véritable avantage compétitif chinois en Afrique. S'appuyant sur un travail de terrain ethnographique au Ghana, cette thèse montre que les EPC poursuivent leur mondialisation dans un double contexte - celui de la «retraite» délibérée de l'État chinois, et, de façon plus importante, celui de la gouvernance et de la société ghanéennes (caractérisées par un clientélisme des partis politiques, une dynamique d'extraversion et le pouvoir de négociation des travailleurs). Les trajectoires d'expatriation / de promotion sociale des expatriés chinois et la mondialisation / localisation de leurs EPC s'influencent et se renforcent mutuellement. En cultivant des relations et des connaissances locales, une EPC provinciale au Ghana peut surpasser une grande EPC centrale, même si cette dernière reçoit plus de soutien de l'État chinois. En outre, les efforts récents visant à construire une «communauté chinoise socialement acceptable» au Ghana ont renouvelé la dynamique du pouvoir entre l'État chinois et les EPC. Ces observations permettent de construire une nouvelle perspective des EPC en Afrique - la globalisation chinoise de « deuxième classe » - les EPC peuvent débuter avec peu de privilèges, mais leur promotion reste possible avec le temps.

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Cet article discute des problèmes de gouvernance et de corruption en Afrique dans le cadre d’un débat politique et philosophique large entre universalisme et relativisme, idéalisme et réalisme, ainsi que entre individualisme et communautarisme. Premièrement, je défends que l’approche réaliste de l’éthique politique et du leadership ne permet pas de différencier entre les éléments descriptifs et prescriptifs de la gouvernance et peut aisément être utilisée pour justifier « les Mains Sales » des dirigeants au nom de l’intérêt supérieur de la nation, même dans les cas où l’intérêt personnel est la seule force motivationnelle pour les actions qui sapent les codes sociaux et éthiques ordinaires. Deuxièmement, l’article montre la faillite de la confiance publique dans le gouvernement et la faiblesse de l’Etat renforce les politiques communautariennes sub-nationales qui tendent à être fondées sur l’ethnie et exclusive, et par conséquent, qui viole le cœur de l’éthique publique, c’est-à-dire l’impartialité. Finalement, l’article suggère que les principes d’éthique universels pour les services publiques soient introduits en complément plutôt qu’en concurrence avec les éthiques locales, socialement et culturellement limitée au privé. Cela requière, d’une part, que nous comprenions mieux la complexité historique, les circonstances économiques et sociales et les arrangements politiques transitionnels dans les pays africains. D’autre part, un nous devons investir dans une éducation éthique civique et professionnel réflexive qui adopte un point de vue nuancé entre le réalisme politique et l’idéalisme comme point de départ des réformes institutionnelles, aussi bien que modalité de changement des comportements à long terme.

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This paper charts the current evidence on effectiveness of different anti-corruption reforms, and identifies significant evidence gaps. Despite a substantial amount of literature on corruption, this review found very few studies focusing on anti-corruption reforms, and even fewer that credibly assess issues of effectiveness and impact. The evidence was strong for only two types of interventions: public financial management (PFM) reforms and supreme audit institutions (SAIs). For PFM, the evidence in general showed positive results, whereas the effectiveness was mixed for SAIs. No strong evidence indicates that any of the interventions pursued have been ineffective, but there is fair evidence that anti-corruption authorities, civil service reforms and the use of corruption conditionality in aid allocation decisions in general have not been effective. The paper advocates more operationally-relevant research and rigorous evaluations to build up the missing evidence base, particularly in conflict-afflicted states, in regards to the private sector, and on the interactions and interdependencies between different anti-corruption interventions.

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This report, compiled on behalf of the African Parliamentary Network Against Corruption (APNAC), surveys the attitudes of African parliamentarians toward corruption. It is the first study of its kind to investigate the manner in which corruption impacts directly upon the political behaviour, practices and attitudes of those elected members sitting in parliaments across the continent. If the problems of corruption are to be tackled in the African continent, then the role of elected members of legislative assemblies will surely be a crucial factor.