From Sisyphus’s Dilemma to Sisyphus’s Duty? A Meditation on the Regulation of Hate Propaganda in Relation to Hate Crimes and Genocide

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Judicial Review of Academic Decisions

This thesis entitled “Judicial review of academic decisions.Education in India is being increasingly controlled and guided by the courts.This study makes an attempt to assess the involvement of the court in regulating education and its role or interference in the conventional concepts of ‘academic freedom’ and ‘university autonomy.The study mostly concentrates on the jurisdiction under Article 226 of the Constitution and its invocation in academic matters with particular reference to the decisions of the Kerala High Court.The concept of judicial review in the Constituent Assembly, initial approach of the Supreme Court of India towards the doctrine, gradual empowerment of Indian judiciary in this area and the resultant judicial activism.The study proceeds through the analysis of ‘academic freedom’ and ‘university autonomy’ in the 4"‘ chapter. This chapter attempts to probe academic freedom and university autonomy in India,England and United States and autonomy of Indian universities before and after independence.Basic principles and the jurisdictional parameters of judicial review in the area of academic decisions, as pronounced by the Apex Court, can be convincingly and consistently followed by the High Courts, which is possible only if special Academic Benches are constituted.

El papel de actores transnacionales a propósito de la situación derechos humanos en Venezuela

A partir de febrero de 2014, la historia de la República Bolivariana se fracturó. El descontento popular, la protesta social y las marchas pacíficas son reprimidas como consecuencia de un abuso de poder por parte del gobierno del presidente Nicolás Maduro. Las redes de información y comunicación, en los términos de Margaret Keck y Kathryn Sikkink, han jugado un papel fundamental para poner en evidencia las violaciones sistemáticas a los DD.HH., siendo estos el factor principal que vulnera la estabilidad política de la democracia venezolana. En este sentido, el desconocimiento de las garantías fundamentales, el deterioro de la democracia constitucional y el papel multiplicador de los actores transnacionales, han logrado visibilizar ante la comunidad internacional un déficit en materia de DD.HH. y con ello la debilidad de Venezuela como gobierno democrático.

Una discusión en torno al concepto de bienestar

En este documento se quiere demostrar que una teoría que pretenda fundamentar la política social que no permita las comparaciones interpersonales es inadecuada. Por esta razón, el punto de partida es una crítica a la economía normativa neoclásica. Esta crítica consiste, en últimas, en una crítica al concepto de bienestar de los utilitaristas. Se plantea que el bienestar entendido como utilidad excluye información relevante para juzgar el bienestar de las personas, y se propone que el concepto de bienestar del profesor Amartya Sen es adecuado como base de una teoría para la política social.

El abuso de poder en Venezuela como síntoma de Estado fallido

El abuso de poder en Venezuela ha sido el principal causante del deterioro de la democracia. A través del uso degenerativo del poder político prácticas antidemocráticas han surgido en la sociedad venezolana caracterizando, desde el presidente Hugo Chávez Frías hasta el presidente Nicolás Maduro, las políticas de gobierno. Como consecuencia de ello, una crisis prolongada en materia de DD.HH., la debilidad institucional, la discriminación política y la represión indiscriminada hacia sectores de oposición por parte del gobierno, son sólo algunos de tantos síntomas que actualmente forman parte de la realidad venezolana y que estarían encaminando al país hacia el surgimiento de un Estado fallido. Los síntomas antidemocráticos representativos de la Venezuela del presidente Nicolás Maduro, ponen en entredicho la existencia de una democracia contitucional en el país y con ello, la precariedad del Estado para cumplir sus funciones básicas para con los ciudadanos. Palabras Clave: Abuso de poder, poder político, Democracia, Democracia Constitucional, Estado Fallido.

Liberdade de expressão: amplitude, limites e proteção constitucional no deireito brasileiro.

This dissertation focus, as main objective, to address the issue of fundamental rights and political freedoms of the individuals, guaranteed by the Constitution of 1988, with emphasis of study in the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, as well as in national related constitutional law institutions and its derivatives, and the connection with the historical and political affirmation of fundamental human rights and its importance for the construction, maintenance and consolidation of constitutional democracy in the Federative Republic of Brazil. This paper mainly deals with aspects of juspostive nature, focused mainly within its doctrinal aspect, making, for such, references both to the patrian doctrine and the foreign one, without forgetting the necessary jurisprudencial focus and analysis of the positive patrian planning with references to comparative law, in order to describe and analyze the emergence, evolution and dissemination of the institute, both in the major countries of the Western World and along the Brazilian constitutional history.

A contribuição de Diké na formação do Emílio ou o papel da jurisdição constitucional na concretização do direito social à educação

The fundamental social right to education has a lengthy constitutional argument, having been declared as a right to everyone in the Title dedicated to the fundamental rights and warrants and, later, scrutinized in the Social Order Chapter exclusively devoted to this theme, where specific rights are guaranteed and fundamental duties are imposed to family, society, and state. In that which concerns education, the 1988 Constitution is the result of a historical-normative process which, since the days of the Lusitanian Empire wavering between distinct levels of protection warrants in some way the educational process. Nevertheless, not even the State s oldest commitment to education has been fully achieved, namely, the annihilation of illiteracy. Even as other fundamental social rights, education is inflicted with the lack of effective political will to reach its fulfillment, and this is reflected in the production of doctrine and jurisprudence which reduce the efficacy of these rights. The objective of this work is to analyze what part is to be played by the constitutional jurisdiction in the reversal of this picture in regards to the fulfillment of the fundamental social right to education. Therefore it is indispensable to present a proper conception of constitutional jurisdiction its objectives, boundaries and procedures and that of the social rights in the Brazilian context so as to establish its relationship from the prism of the right to education. The main existing obstacles to the effective action of constitutional jurisdiction on the ground of social rights are identified and then proposals so as to overcome them are presented. The contemplative and constructive importance of education in the shaping of the individual as well as its instrumental relevance to the achievement of the democratic ideal through the means of the shaping of the citizen is taken into account. The historical context which leads to the current Brazilian educational system is analyzed, tracing the normative area and the essential content of the fundamental right to education aiming to delineate parameters for the adequate development of the constitutional jurisdiction in the field. This jurisdiction must be neither larger nor narrower than that which has been determined by the Constitution itself. Its activity has been in turns based on a demagogic rhetoric of those fundamental rights which present a doubtful applicability, or falling short of that which has been established showing an excessive reverence to the constituent powers. It is necessary to establish dogmatic parameters for a good action of this important tool of constitutional democracy, notably in regards to the fundamental social right to education, for the sake of its instrumental role in the achievement of the democratic ideals of liberty and equality

A constituição desmilitarizada: democratização e reforma do sistema constitucional de segurança pública

The normative construction of the public security system in the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988 preserved paradoxical normative space, the military police linked to the Army with a restrictive legal statute of the police offices citizenship through a hierarchical and disciplinary model that is anachronistic. This research originates from the following problem: How is it possible to tailor the constitutional system of public safety, specifically the Military Police, according to the democratic paradigms constructed by the Constituent from 1988 and carry the right to public safety under these molds? The militarists limitations of the Constitution allowed the growing militarization of police departments, organizational culture and authoritarian institutional practices. Underlying this, the problems related to difficulties in realization of Right to Public Safety, the strikes of the military police, the incomplete policy cycle started demanding from the constitutional-legal system appropriate responses. Utilizing the dialogical method and an interdisciplinary approach to the subject, and theoretically grounded in overcoming of the constitutional normativist juspositivism.It was found that the constructed infraconstitutional legislation was insufficient to supply the systemic shortcomings of constitutional law, when looking to create a single system of public security without giving due scope to the federal principle and expand the autonomy the Federated States, and even grant democratic legal status to the military police. Formal legal limits imposed by the Constitution constructed a legal anachronism, the military police. Thus, a democratic reading of military police institutions becomes inconceivable its existence in the constitutional regulatory environment. Thus, reform the Constitution in order to demilitarize the police and conduct a normative redesign of the public security system is fundamental to Brazilian constitutional democracy

A visão social de mundo dos parâmetros curriculares nacionais em história para os anos finais do ensino fundamental

Os Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCNs) em História para os terceiro e quarto ciclos do ensino fundamental (atualmente anos finais), publicados pelo Governo Federal em 1998, traçaram as diretrizes e orientações específicas para esta área de ensino, dentro do novo contexto educacional consolidado pela Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional de 1996 (LDBEN/96), refletido por sua vez pelo novo período de redemocratização constitucional iniciado em 1988 e em curso até os dias de hoje. Compreender a visão social de mundo preconizada no documento, com suas potencialidades (ou não) para o ensino de História em nosso País, através da análise dos aspectos historiográficos e educacionais que o formam, representa o objetivo central desta pesquisa, procurando – se identificar também os interesses e valores dos grupos sociais e culturais nele traduzidos. Dentro de uma perspectiva crítico-dialética, os referidos PCNs e suas implicações com as questões acima expostas só poderão ser investigadas em uma dimensão contextualizada com a sociedade brasileira contemporânea.

What toleration means to contemporary liberalism?

Toleration is a key concept of liberalism, both from the historical and conceptual points of view. On the other hand, as people’s freedom to live according to their moral and religious ideas has long become a basic value for liberal societies and their political constitutions, it is reasonable to understand that there is nothing to be tolerated nor by citizens neither by the State. However, a part of the scope and meaning of the fundamental rights and freedoms is subject to what John Rawls calls reasonable disagreements and this is a field where toleration understood in the classic way is compatible with equality: not to intervene against that which is being disapproved understood has a raison d'être. Since the 1980s, toleration has been present in the debates on how to deal with pluralism in a constitutional democracy. This has to be connected to the rise of identity politics: political and intellectual movements such as multiculturalism or comunitarism that questioned whether social order based on neutral criteria was either possible or desirable or both things at the same time. Outstanding liberal philosophers were among those demanding political priority for comunitarian values and those who showed interest for toleration as a key concept to articulate pluralism. Key distinctions between them can be explained as the result of the different approaches they take when facing classical theories on toleration: whereas John Locke’s is a major influence on Rawls, John Stuart Mill’s is on the others, while Gray, Walzer and Rorty follow Isaiah Berlin’s reading of Mill.