A sketch of the life and character of the Rev. David Caldwell, D. D. near sixty years pastor of the churches of Buffalo and Alamance. Including two of his sermons; some account of the Regulation, together with the revolutionary ... incidents in which he was concerned; and a very brief notice of the ecclesiastical and moral condition of North-Carolina while in its colonial state,

Mode of access: Internet.

A police state? The Nyasaland emergency and colonial intelligence.

The Nyasaland Emergency in 1959 proved a decisive turning point in the history of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, which from 1953 to 1963 brought together the territories of Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), Southern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Nyasaland (Malawi) under a settler-dominated federal government. The British and Nyasaland governments defended the emergency by claiming to have gathered intelligence which showed that the Nyasaland African Congress was preparing a campaign of sabotage and murder. The Devlin Commission, appointed to investigate the emergency, dismissed the evidence of a ‘murder plot’, criticised the Nyasaland government's handling of the Emergency and, notoriously, described Nyasaland as a ‘police state’. This article has two principal aims. First, using the recently declassified papers of the Intelligence and Security Department (ISD) of the Colonial Office, it seeks to provide the first detailed account of what the British government knew of the intelligence relating to the ‘murder plot’ and how they assessed it, prior to the outbreak of the emergency. It demonstrates that officials in the ISD and members of the Security Service adopted a far more cautious attitude towards the intelligence than did Conservative ministers, and had greater qualms about allowing it into the public domain to justify government policy. Second, the article examines the implications of Devlin's use of the phrase ‘police state’ for Nyasaland and for the late colonial state in general. It contrasts Devlin's use of the term with that of security experts in the ISD, who routinely applied it to policing systems that diverged from their own preferred model. Hence, whereas Devlin compared policing in Nyasaland unfavourably with that in Southern Rhodesia, implying, ironically, that Nyasaland was ‘under-policed’ (because there were fewer police per head of population in Nyasaland than in Southern Rhodesia), the ISD regarded the intensive system of policing operated by the British South Africa Police in Southern Rhodesia as characteristic of a ‘police state’. The article suggests that the frequent use of the term ‘police state’ was indicative of broader anxieties about what Britain's legacy would be for the post-independence African state.

Smallpox vaccination, the establishment of vaccination boards, and state formation in Venezuela and Cuba in the nineteenth century

The Balmis expedition, sent to America by the Spanish monarch Charles IV in 1803, was a watershed in the history of Medicine as it made smallpox vaccination available for the first time, effectively prevented the disease from spreading, and saved thousands of lives. Immunization required complex administrative measures and political decisions including the creation of Vaccination Boards, all of which involved different sectors of Spanish American society. This dissertation argues that at the beginning of the nineteenth century the Spanish American colonial state had reached some level of maturity and cohesion that made it capable of executing this complex project in public health. The significance of this mobilization and the every-day experience in implementing this new public health measure is the center of this work. It is situated geographically in Venezuela and Cuba, entities which took different evolutionary paths in the nineteenth century. The organization and functioning of Vaccination Boards in these two areas are used to illustrate the state formation process, and sharp political differences in this critical period.

Elites instruidas en la Costa Rica colonial, 1564-1718

ResumenHaciendo uso de la metodología prosopográfica y de un enfoque teórico de redes sociales, el presente artículo se propone investigar el funcionamiento social del conocimiento, así como sus mecanismos de transmisión en la sociedad colonial de Costa Rica. También se lleva a cabo una presentación documental de las principales líneas de evolución institucional de la educación en la época. Se llega así a constatar que el conocimiento estaba en manos de una estrecha red social de individuos conectados, enriquecidos y empoderados, que formaban parte de la elite política colonial, quienes lo vedaban sistemáticamente a otros sectores sociales de la época, y lo empleaban para apuntalar su posición social.AbstractBy means of a prosopographic study and using a social networks theoretical approach, this article explores the social functions of knowledge, as well as its ways of transmission in the Costarican colonial society. A documented presentation of the main traits of the evolution of the formal education in the period is also offered. As a result, the work concludes that knowledge was in the hands of a very narrow social network structured with very well connected individuals, who were also rich and politically powerful. These individuals used their position and their monopoly of knowledge to impede access to it to other social groups of the time, using it, at the same time, as a tool to sustain their social position.

Pressupostos e significado do golpe de estado de 1998-1999 na Guiné-Bissau

RESUMO: O golpe de Estado de 1998-1999 na Guiné-Bissau é - entre outras razões - o resultado da difícil articulação e coabitação entre as principais racionalidades que afectam o xadrez sociopolítico guineense. De facto as racionalidades de tipo «weberianas», representadas maioritariamente pela população crioula, devido ao impacto da cultura colonial – o mimetismo cultural e político-económico nessa população -, não se adaptaram às racionalidades de tipo «tradicional» e estas por sua vez, não compreendem as primeiras. As práticas dos actores políticos das racionalidades de tipo «weberianas», dentro do aparelho de Estado confundiam-se com o próprio processo de construção e o funcionamento do Estado pós-colonial na Guiné De facto o Estado em referência tornou-se durante o segundo regime do PAIGC num simples instrumento político e económico a favor dos dirigentes daquele partido e da classe-Estado em geral em detrimento da população guineense sobretudo a da sociedade tradicional. E é também dentro desta lógica da difícil articulação e a coabitação de racionalidades entre actores guineenses que a suspensão do ex-Brigadeiro Ansumane Mané, das suas funções de chefe de Estado-maior das forças armadas guineenses deve ser analisada, explicada e entendida com a consequente ruptura político-militar. Certamente que a Guiné, como laboratório social, não se esgota neste trabalho, que apenas pretende abrir caminho para novas investigações. ABSTRACT: This study is focused on the analysis of the 1998-1999 «coup d’état» in Guiné as a denouncer of the difficulties in the construction of Guiné as a State and a Nation. The above mentioned coup d’état is, among other reasons, the result of the difficult articulation and cohabition among the main rationalities affecting the Guiné sociopolitical chess. The as-webeian rationalities, mainly represented by the creole population, on reproducing the colonial cultural, political and economic model, did not fit in the astraditional rationalities, which by their turn do not understand the former ones. The as-weberian practices of the main political agents within the state burocracy overlapped with the process of construction and the functioning of the post colonial state apparatus. During the second PAIGC regime the state becomes a mere political and economic instrument to favour the party leaders and the new emerging class of public workers, in detriment of the population, mainly the ones belonging to the traditional societies. It is against this sociopolitical background that the suspension of the ex-Brigadier Ansumane Mané from his functions as Chief Commander of the Armed Forces of Guiné, and the following military and political rupture, has to be analysed, explained and understood. Certainly, the study of Guiné as a social laboratory is not finished with the present research, which intended only to open the path to further researching.

Tourisme et colonisation en Indochine 1898-1939

Comment le tourisme s’est-il développé dans un territoire en pleine expansion coloniale ? Comment tourisme et colonisation se sont-ils conjugués ? Quel lien peut-on établir entre ces deux dynamiques ? C’est ce à quoi cette thèse tente de répondre en démontrant l’instrumentalisation du tourisme par les politiques coloniales. Elle se divise en sept chapitres abordant successivement le transfert des pratiques touristiques de l’Europe à l’Indochine, leurs implantations, leurs intégrations aux politiques de mise en valeur des années 1920, les conséquences spatiales de leurs implantations (construction de voies de communication et d’hébergements hôteliers) et la communication instaurée par l’Etat pour promouvoir l’Indochine comme une destination touristique auprès des Indochinois comme des touristes étrangers.

Dancing double binds : feminine virtue and women’s work in Kinshasa

Les femmes de Kinshasa, en République Démocratique du Congo, ont toujours été actives dans le commerce local. L’élévation de leur niveau d’études, ainsi que des circonstances économiques difficiles nécessitant deux salaires par famille, les poussent aujourd’hui vers de nouveaux métiers. Alors qu’elles deviennent plus visibles dans les sphères politiques et économiques, elles sont sujettes à de nouvelles formes de méfiance et d’accusation morale. C'est dans ce contexte que les notions de féminité et de vertu féminine sont définies aujourd'hui. Lorsque les femmes congolaises émigraient vers la ville de Léopoldville à l’ère coloniale, elles étaient confrontées à de nouvelles attentes sociales. Il était attendu qu’elles se « modernisent » et se « civilisent » tout en gardant leur rôle « traditionnel » au foyer et auprès de leur famille. Je voudrais démontrer que ce paradoxe continue d’influencer les représentations de la vertu féminine à Kinshasa aujourd'hui, notamment en établissant une distinction entre la femme « vertueuse » et « non vertueuse ». Cette thèse explore les façons dont les femmes participent et négocient leur nouveau statut et rôle à la lumière de ce paradoxe. Plutôt que de réifier la dichotomie locale entre la femme « vertueuse » et « non vertueuse », j’explore les causes sous-jacentes et les résultats inattendus de ces catégorisations. Je porte une réflexion sur la vertu féminine comme étant construite et influencée par ce qu'on pourrait nommer le « triple patriarcat » alimenté par des valeurs « traditionnelles », par des initiatives coloniales et postcoloniales menées par l'état, ainsi que par des discours pentecôtistes. J’examine d’autre part comment ces facteurs ont engendré une double contrainte, un dilemme en la forme d’injonctions contradictoires, encourageant les femmes à jouer simultanément des rôles opposés, et à devoir soigneusement gérer leur image en public. Je montre enfin que cette double posture des femmes alimente la méfiance entre les deux sexes, impactant sur la perception des femmes au travail et dans la société de manière générale, de même que les projections qu’en fait la culture populaire. Car c'est une des professions les plus visibles pour les femmes de Kinshasa, le rôle de danseuse de concert est très utile pour illuminer les défis auxquels ces femmes sont confrontées. Cette thèse fournit donc un portrait ethnographique des danseuses, et se penche sur leur statut d’objets publics de désir afin de révéler la façon dont leur visibilité met en évidence les conceptions locales de la liberté, du pouvoir et de la féminité.

El funcionamiento del tributo en Nueva Granada a finales del siglo XVII: Guatavita en 1690 (Estudios)

Este ensayo examina los mecanismos de articulación política que se crearon entre el corregidor y los pueblos de indios que integraron el partido de Guatavita. Analiza la naturaleza y el monto del tributo que pagaron los indios y el manejo que el corregidor hizo de estos recursos. Estudia las cargas fiscales que se impusieron sobre la encomienda y los vínculos políticos que se desarrollaron entre encomenderos, corregidores y Estado colonial. La evidencia histórica que sirve de sustento a este trabajo proviene de la contabilidad que presentó el corregidor de Guatavita ante las autoridades coloniales a finales del siglo XVII.

Um patrimônio em contendas: os bens jesuíticos e a magna questão dos dízimos no estado do Maranhão e Grão Pará (1650-1750)

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo a ponderação do patrimônio material jesuítico no Estado do Maranhão, durante a segunda metade do século XVII e primeira do XVIII. De modo específico, analisaremos três aspectos: os modos de conquista das propriedades inacianas; a maximização dessas fazendas a partir do gerenciamento direto dos padres (caso do comércio) e a relação entre a administração colonial e reinol com a Companhia no tocante ao pagamento dos dízimos dos gêneros que a Ordem cultivava em suas terras. Nesse sentido, veremos que os três pontos, sobretudo os dois últimos, foram motivos de grandes oposições por parte dos moradores da Amazônia colonial portuguesa.

Essays on Ethnic Diversity and Development

This dissertation consists of three papers. The first paper "Ethnicity, Migration and Conflict: Evidence from Contemporary South Africa” exploits some of the institutional changes intervened in South Africa during the end of apartheid to investigate the relationship between ethnic diversity and conflict. I find within-ethnic polarization to be significantly related to the intensity of armed confrontations among black-dominated groups. My investigation thus gives strong and robust empirical support to the theoretical arguments which identify ethnic diversity as one of the determinants of civil conflict. The second chapter, "Pre-Colonial Centralization, Colonial Activities and Development in Latin America", investigates the hypothesis that pre-colonial ethnic institutions shaped contemporary regional development in Latin America. I document a strong and positive relationship between pre-colonial centralization and regional development. Results are in line with the view that highly centralized pre-colonial societies acted as a persistent force of agglomeration of economic activities and a strong predictor of colonial state capacity. The results provide a first evidence of the existence of a link between pre-colonial centralization, colonial institutional arrangements and contemporary economic development. The third paper "Bite and Divide: Malaria and Ethnic Diversity” investigates the role of malaria as a fundamental determinant of modern ethnic diversity. This paper explores the hypothesis, that a large exposure to malaria has fostered differential interactions that reduced contacts between groups and increased interactions within them Results document that malaria increases the number of ethnic groups at all levels of spatial disaggregation and time periods (exploiting historical and current ethnic diversity). Regressions' results show that endogamous marriages are more frequent in areas with higher geographic suitability to malaria. The results are in line with the view that malaria increases intra-ethnic interactions while decreasing inter-ethnic ones.

Enemigos declarados de nuestro sistema. La acción política contrarrevolucionaria de Diego de Agüero y Miguel Fernández de Agüero (1770-1816)

Este artículo analiza a la fuerza social contrarrevolucionaria de la Buenos Aires tardo colonial. Toma como observables a dos de sus principales dirigentes: los comerciantes monopolistas españoles Diego de Agüero y Miguel Fernández de Agüero. Los Agüero poseían una estrategia política definida: oponerse al proceso revolucionario y defender el orden colonial. Dicho programa fue construyéndose a lo largo de más de treinta años, en los que pasan de una alianza reformista a enfrentarse política y militarmente contra los revolucionarios. En este recorrido, resultan una bisagra los enfrentamientos en torno al tráfico de cueros con naciones extranjeras, en el que defienden el comercio legal por la vía de Cádiz, argumentando que se trata de uno de los bastiones de la Monarquía. Dicho programa se vincula con su reproducción social, basada en un privilegio político otorgado por el Estado colonial. Su destrucción, por acción de la Revolución, producirá su derrota comercial, política y militar

Enemigos declarados de nuestro sistema. La acción política contrarrevolucionaria de Diego de Agüero y Miguel Fernández de Agüero (1770-1816)

Este artículo analiza a la fuerza social contrarrevolucionaria de la Buenos Aires tardo colonial. Toma como observables a dos de sus principales dirigentes: los comerciantes monopolistas españoles Diego de Agüero y Miguel Fernández de Agüero. Los Agüero poseían una estrategia política definida: oponerse al proceso revolucionario y defender el orden colonial. Dicho programa fue construyéndose a lo largo de más de treinta años, en los que pasan de una alianza reformista a enfrentarse política y militarmente contra los revolucionarios. En este recorrido, resultan una bisagra los enfrentamientos en torno al tráfico de cueros con naciones extranjeras, en el que defienden el comercio legal por la vía de Cádiz, argumentando que se trata de uno de los bastiones de la Monarquía. Dicho programa se vincula con su reproducción social, basada en un privilegio político otorgado por el Estado colonial. Su destrucción, por acción de la Revolución, producirá su derrota comercial, política y militar

Enemigos declarados de nuestro sistema. La acción política contrarrevolucionaria de Diego de Agüero y Miguel Fernández de Agüero (1770-1816)

Este artículo analiza a la fuerza social contrarrevolucionaria de la Buenos Aires tardo colonial. Toma como observables a dos de sus principales dirigentes: los comerciantes monopolistas españoles Diego de Agüero y Miguel Fernández de Agüero. Los Agüero poseían una estrategia política definida: oponerse al proceso revolucionario y defender el orden colonial. Dicho programa fue construyéndose a lo largo de más de treinta años, en los que pasan de una alianza reformista a enfrentarse política y militarmente contra los revolucionarios. En este recorrido, resultan una bisagra los enfrentamientos en torno al tráfico de cueros con naciones extranjeras, en el que defienden el comercio legal por la vía de Cádiz, argumentando que se trata de uno de los bastiones de la Monarquía. Dicho programa se vincula con su reproducción social, basada en un privilegio político otorgado por el Estado colonial. Su destrucción, por acción de la Revolución, producirá su derrota comercial, política y militar