894 resultados para Colombian-Chinese Bilateral relations


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El desarrollo de esta monografía busca establecer que el cambio de gobierno colombiano en 2010 fue determinante para el fortalecimiento de las relaciones bilaterales sino-colombianas especialmente en materia económica, dando lugar a la firma del Plan Maestro de Aprovechamiento del Rio Magdalena que al incidir en la infraestructura a lo largo del rio, generará una mayor competitividad, afectando de esta manera las relaciones comerciales no solo con la República Popular China sino con el resto del mundo ya que se reducirían las negociaciones asimétricas, dentro de las cuales se encuentran el valor de los bienes ofertados en el exterior.

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Last year (2011) marked the sixtieth anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China. The bilateral relationship has deepened significantly since 1951, with both countries benefiting from this relationship. However, Pakistan would like to deepen it even further, while China is more pragmatic and cautious. There are irritants, notably the killing of Chinese citizens, the presence of Uighur militants in Pakistan and their different interests in Afghanistan, which could put some stress on the relationship. While the relationship will continue to grow, China is not about to displace the US as Pakistan’s major economic and military aid provider.

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In the 1980s and 1990s, Australian-Malaysian relations reached a critical juncture due to a series of crises, such as the 1986 capital punishment of convicted drug smugglers Barlow and Chambers, and the 1993 "recalcitrant" jibe by Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating. Following the election of the Howard government in 1996, relations continued to be on a roller coaster with the Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad leading anti-Australia protests over the "Howard Doctrine," the Australian leadership of the 1999 intervention in East Timor, and the "Deputy Sheriff" controversy. Despite this, defense relations between the two remained strong. The success of this cooperation rests on shared political commitment to the security of the region. This article examines the impact that positive cooperation in "high politics" has had in mitigating the negative aspects of crises in "low politics." It argues that close bilateral defense relations have worked to prevent the emergence of further critical junctures in 2012 following the collapse of the Australian-Malaysian refugee swap deal and statements by Australian politicians about Malaysia's poor treatment of asylum seekers, and in 2013 over the overt support by many Australian politicians of the opposition, especially Anwar Ibrahim, during the Malaysian general elections.

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A kínai-magyar gazdasági kapcsolatoktól mindenki sokat várt eddig, de viszonylag kevés növekedési hatást sikerült elérnie Magyarországnak a dinamikusan felemelkedő kínai gazdaságból. A tanulmány azt vizsgálja, hogy az ipari parkok, logisztikai bázisok terén mi teheti vonzóvá Magyarországot az EU piacát megcélzó kínai vállalatok számára, illetve milyen gazdasági lehetőségek rejlenek az ipari parkok hálózatában ahhoz, hogy a kínai növekedési dinamika valamennyire érvényesüljön a magyar gazdaságban is. / === / Most of the economic and political actors in Hungary have expected high benefits from the Chinese – Hungarian economic relations, but only moderated growth impact has been imported from the dynamic emerging Chinese economy. The study surveys the potentials of industrial parks and logistic bases whether how much they can add to the attractiveness of Hungary toward the Chinese companies targeting the single market of the EU, and what range of economic opportunities is exploitable in the network of industrial parks for having the Chinese growth dynamics to prevail particularly in the Hungarian economy.

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In 1904 Ludovico Nocentini described China as a hub of colonial and commercial development for European powers. Europe in the Far East and the Italian Interests in China was Nocentini’s last and most critical book, in which he compared the performance of the Italian government with that of other countries and showed Rome’s inefficiency overseas. The book expatiated on the “carving up” of China into spheres of influence by the Western powers, while examining how the Italian government’s scant regard for the definition and pursuit of the country’s national interest jeopardized not only the development of its colonial policy, but also its foreign trade and industrial progress.

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Esta monografía pretende examinar la relación existente entre el comercio bilateral Colombo-Chino en el sector textil y las estrategias diplomáticas establecidas por cada uno de estos países respecto al otro entre los años 2003 a 2008. En especifico se analiza de que manera dichas estrategias definen o han definido el rumbo del comercio binacional en este sector.

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A multiple-case study investigation of the experiences of eight Chinese immigrant children in New Zealand early childhood centres suggested that the immigrant children’s learning experiences in their first centre can be understood as a process of negotiating and creating intercultural relations. The children’s use of family cultural tools, such as the Chinese language, was a distinctive feature of their learning experiences, simultaneously revealing and extending their exploration of the intercultural practices and their establishment of a sense of belonging. In the presence of Chinese-speaking peers who acted as ‘bridges’ and ‘boundary objects’, the Chinese language was actively used by the immigrant children in English-speaking early childhood centres and, as a result, they created intercultural relations which: (i) bridged the two cultures; (ii) brought the cultures into convergence; (iii) enabled the children to claim group identity; and (iv) battled intercultural constraints. The absence of Chinese speakers, on the other hand, constrained possibilities for intercultural relations. The focus on intercultural relations in this study is expected to lead to educational initiatives to support the incorporation of diverse cultures in early childhood services.

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Despite the position of the United States as de facto global hegemon, China is a rising power in the world. As Chinese power grows, the projection of Chinese influence will be felt most acutely in Southeast Asia. Whether to accommodate, contain or resist China will depend on future developments that none can foresee, including Chinese ambitions, the policies of other international players (the U.S., Japan), and the cohesion or fragility of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN). This paper argues that in deciding how best to deal with China, two factors that will influence the countries of Southeast Asia are their own long histories of bilateral relations with China and their own differing conceptions of how foreign relations should be conducted. This is to argue that history and culture are central to any understanding of the likely future shape of China-Southeast Asia relations. Only by taking history and culture into account will analysts be in a position to predict how the mainland and maritime states of Southeast Asia are likely to respond to a more powerful, confident and assertive China.

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There is an emerging need for Australia’s law graduates to better understand the unique challenges and opportunities in our largest trading partner, China. Similarly, as China opens up to the world, its graduates are increasingly well-poised to make an indelible mark on Chinese-Australian relations, particularly in the areas of finance, property, trade and commerce. Chinese and Australian law schools must urgently develop a deeper awareness of each other’s language, culture and political systems in their graduates. The purpose of this article is to highlight the importance of Chinese cultural competency to Australian legal education and reflect on projects that enable students to attain a level of cultural competency over a short period. We do this by considering a recent ‘short term mobility project’ in Wuhan, China.

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Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa.

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Históricamente, las fronteras colombianas han sido porosas, frágiles y descuidadas desde una perspectiva política. La extrema pobreza y la ausencia de instituciones estatales han dejado a las poblaciones vulnerables ante diversos actores armados y a merced de las actividades ilícitas, que inevitablemente se desbordan y afectan los territorios vecinos. El desborde de los efectos del conflicto armado a territorio ecuatoriano, los enfrentamientos e incursiones del ejército colombiano, y la presencia de actores no estatales como los grupos al margen de la ley, han hecho que las relaciones bilaterales se minen, dañando lo que alguna vez fue una cordialidad constructiva entre Colombia y Ecuador. Para analizar esta problemática, se utilizaron las teorías de las relaciones internacionales de Interdependencia y seguridad cooperativa.