978 resultados para Civil War El Salvador


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El aumento de los flujos migratorios en los últimos años, ha generado que hoy en día se presencie dentro del escenario internacional nuevas dinámicas sociales, con efectos positivos y negativos tanto para los países de origen como para los de destino. Dentro de estos procesos se originan nuevos espacios sociales transnacionales debido a la trasmisión de identidades culturales; es así como nacen las Maras en Estados Unidos y se extienden posteriormente por la región Centroamericana, expansión influida en parte por las políticas de deportación implementadas por el gobierno norteamericano.

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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In this article, I analyze the representation of the Other in three texts that were published during the Spanish Civil War: El infierno azul (1938?), by Republican Isidro R. Mendieta, and two closely related works by Falangist Jacinto Miquelarena: Cómo fui ejecutado en Madrid (1937) and El otro mundo: La vida en las embajadas de Madrid (1938). Although these texts adhere to different political ideologies and are stylistically very divergent, they are similar in their constant criticisms of the enemy. Furthermore, both Republicans and rebels tend to depict the enemy as possessing an inadequate masculinity. He is described, on one hand, as a beast or an animal, unable to control his instincts, and, on the other hand, as an unmanly and effeminate coward. Thus, for the construction of the nation, the Other presents an inappropriate masculinity, which is either excessive and uncontainable, or insufficient. Therefore, national ideologies seem to propose a normative masculinity that is located in an ambiguous middle ground: a masculinity that is able to control animal instincts yet capable of heroic acts.

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L. Vinicius issue a coin series in the late fifties of the first century BC, shortly before the outbreak of war between Julio Caesar (cos. I 59 BC) and the Senate, led by Cn. Pompey Magnus (cos. I 70 BC), that tries, by its iconography, seek harmony bet-ween the two leaders.

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De acuerdo a la funcionalidad comunicativa del signo lingüístico, el siguiente ensayo toma como objeto de estudio al enunciado, como elemento lingüístico creado y producido en un contexto histórico-social, individual o colectivo, específicamente durante el conflicto de guerra civil en El Salvador (1980 – 1992). El enunciado se propone como una estructura preponderante para clarificar la función del signo expresado en los contextos desde las formas discursivas que engloban un universo cultural. En este ensayo se analiza y comprueba el origen de los enunciados (social-cultural) y a la vez, si éstos poseen dentro de sí una intrasemiósfera de todos los sistemas signícos que convergen dentro de él (Sistema de Modelización Primario-Sistema de Modelización Secundario) además de la comunicación dialógica, si la hay, entre los enunciados, a pesar de su discontinuidad temporal. Al mismo tiempo, este análisis intenta dar un soporte a la naturaleza de la lengua como reflejo de la cultura (Mosaico de Signos) y de los grupos sociales que integran el Municipio de Aguilares a partir del gran discurso de la guerra; es decir, el marco de ideas revolucionarias y la guerra de movimiento (acciones y hechos realizados por los sujetos dentro del contexto de guerra civil en El Salvador). Para explicar todo esto, se toma en cuenta a teóricos como: M. Bajtín, T. Todorov, V. Volochinov, J. Lotman, Umberto Eco, además de otros, quienes exponen las diversas formas del signo lingüístico y la configuración de la realidad histórica - social a través del mismo enunciado.El enunciado, el texto y el discurso como producto del contexto de guerra y el conflicto ideológico, La "Ultima guinda" de Rutilio Quezada y el relato de " La muerte de Amilcar" de Wilfredo Peña, un exguerrillero.

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EI Salvador presents an unfortunate history that includes a military regime and a civil war that together created a legacy of violence in which the country still struggle nowadays. Salud Escolar Integral (SEI) was created in 2005 as a program to combat youth violence throughout the re-formulation of physical education (PE) classes in public schools, promoting life skills learning that supports the resolution of conflicts with nonviolent ways. In 2007, SEI supported the creation of a physical e~ucation teacher education (PETE) degree at the Universidad Pedag6gica de EI Salvador (UPES), having the goal to assist pre-service teachers with a better understanding of humanistic principles. The present research analyzed if after attending all three years ofUPES PETE program, students presented high self-perception levels of competence and confidence related to attitude, skills and knowledge to teach PE within humanistic principles. Taking Personal and Social Responsibility (TPSR) was the theoretical framework used to analyze the development of humanistic principles. The study had a mixed-method longitudinal design that included questionnaires, reflection templates and interviews. In conclusion, although it is suggested that UPES should provide better support for the development of the teaching principles of empowering students and transfer learning, most of the humanistic principles were highly promoted by the program. At last, it is suggested that future research should track teachers' progress while teaching in schools, in order to analyze if the theory of promoting humanistic principles have also become a daily practice.

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In this paper I compare the habeas corpus systems of El Salvador, the United States and Argentina. My purpose is to develop a general understanding of the procedure for bringing the writ in each country and analyze the substantive law governing the rights of habeas corpus petitioners in each country. I evaluate the systems against the backdrop of each country’s political and legal history with respect to the writ of habeas corpus. The ultimate aim of this paper is to reform the habeas corpus law of El Salvador by analyzing the Salvadoran system as compared to the Argentine and U.S. systems. I conclude that the Argentine habeas corpus system provides a better model for the Salvadoran system than does the U.S. system. I draw this conclusion because the two countries share common foundations for their legal systems, in addition to common histories of civil war, during which there were numerous disappearances and denial of habeas corpus rights. Moreover, Argentina’s habeas corpus law protects the liberty interest of the detained individual more so than U.S. habeas corpus law. This heightened protection of the right to liberty largely results from the country’s past history of forced disappearances and incommunicado detention. Because El Salvador witnessed similar problems in its past, the Argentine model provides a good model for Salvadoran reform.

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Scholars have investigated witness to distant suffering (WTDS) almost entirely in visual media. This study examines it in print. This form of reporting will be examined in two publications of the religious left as contrasted with the New York Times. The thesis is that, more than any technology, WTDS consists of the journalist’s moral commitment and narrative skills and the audience’s analytical resources and trust. In the religious journals, liberation theology provides the moral commitment, the writers and editors the narrative skills and trust and the special vision of the newly empowered poor the analytical foundation. In bearing witness to those who have suffered state or guerilla terrorism in El Salvador and Nicaragua during the 1980s, we will investigate a distinction between “worthy” and “unworthy victims.” This last issue has a special ethical and political significance. Media witnessing to the suffering of strangers can help them become known, and so “worthy.” It can help them, and their plight and cause, become better recognized. This is the power of the media.

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"Confidential."

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Since El Salvador’s civil war formally ended in 1992 the small Central American nation has undergone profound social changes and significant reforms. However, few changes have been as important or as devastating as the nation’s emergence as a central hub in the transnational criminal “pipeline” or series of recombinant, overlapping chains of routes and actors that illicit organizations use to traffic in drugs, money weapons, human being, endangered animals and other products. The erasing of the once-clear ideological lines that drove the civil war and the ability of erstwhile enemies to join forces in criminal enterprises in the post-war period is an enduring and dangerous characteristic of El Salvador’s transnational criminal evolution. Trained, elite cadres from both sides, with few legitimate job opportunities, found their skills were marketable in the growing criminal structures. The groups moved from kidnapping and extortion to providing protection services to transnational criminal organizations to becoming integral parts of the organizations themselves. The demand for specialized military and transportation services in El Salvador have exploded as the Mexican DTOs consolidate their hold on the cocaine market and their relationships with the transportista networks, which is still in flux. The value of their services has risen dramatically also because of the fact that multiple Mexican DTOs, at war with each other in Mexico and seeking to physically control the geographic space of the lucrative pipeline routes in from Guatemala to Panama, are eager to increase their military capabilities and intelligence gathering capacities. The emergence of multiple non-state armed groups, often with significant ties to the formal political structure (state) through webs of judicial, legislative and administrative corruption, has some striking parallels to Colombia in the 1980s, where multiple types of violence ultimately challenged the sovereignty of state and left a lasting legacy of embedded corruption within the nation’s political structure. Organized crime in El Salvador is now transnational in nature and more integrated into stronger, more versatile global networks such as the Mexican DTOs. It is a hybrid of both local crime – with gangs vying for control off specific geographic space so they can extract payment for the safe passage of illicit products – and transnational groups that need to use that space to successfully move their products. These symbiotic relationships are both complex and generally transient in nature but growing more consolidated and dangerous.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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Este trabajo de investigación, pretende examinar el papel desempeñado por la ONUSAL en el proceso de paz de El Salvador durante el periodo 1989-1995, en lo concerniente a las estrategias que fueron utilizadas por dicha Misión. Lo anterior, como evidencia de la activa participación de la ONU en la etapa de resolución de conflictos armados internos -derivados de la Guerra Fría- en territorio centroamericano.

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Se adapta a las especificaciones AS y A de 2008 para OCR y Edexcel. Se centra en la expansión hacia el oeste de Estados Unidos y los problemas que ello causó. A continuación, examina la llegada al poder del Partido Republicano y la elección presidencial de 1860, las causas de la guerra civil, la victoria de la Unión y el período de reconstrucción. Incluye fechas clave, términos y temas, perfiles biográficos, resúmenes esquemáticos, fuentes literarias y síntesis de los principales debates historiográficos.