23 resultados para Carolingian


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Carolingian scholars paid considerable attention to the Greek found in Martianus Capella’s De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, a late antique Latin work full of obscurities in language and imagery. This article, focusing on glosses on De nuptiis from the oldest gloss tradition, demonstrates that a range of material was available to ninth-century scholars to elucidate Martianus’s Greek and that Greek seems, at times, to have served as a means to obscure. I argue that their interest in obscurity reflects a widespread epistemology and strategy of concealment, hence their intellectual investment in Martianus. For ninth-century readers, then, the Greek in the glossed Martianus manuscripts, however decorative it may have been, also operated at the core of medieval hermeneutics.

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Boosted by a proliferation in metal-detected finds, categories of personal adornment now constitute a vital archaeological source for interpreting Viking-age cultural interaction in the North Sea region. Previous research in England has explored the potential of this metalwork in relation to the formation of ‘Anglo-Scandinavian’ identity, but without due consideration of a wider spectrum of cultural influences. This article redresses the balance by shifting attention to twenty-eight belt fittings derived from richly embellished baldrics, equestrian equipment, and waist belts manufactured on the Frankish continent during the period of Carolingian hegemony in the later eighth and ninth centuries ad. The metalwork is classified and then contextualized in order to track import mechanisms and to assess the impact of Carolingian culture on the northern peripheries of the Frankish empire. The main conclusion is that the adoption, adaptation, and strategic manipulation of Carolingian/northern Frankish identity formed an embedded component of cultural dynamics in Viking-age England, scrutiny of which sheds new light on patterns of interconnectivity linking peoples of the North Sea world.

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In Harley 2782, Servius’s late antique commentary on Vergil was transmitted as an independent text, edited, corrected, glossed, marked for mythological information, provided with NOTA monograms and headings, as well as interspersed and augmented with scholia adespota and non-Servian material. The scholarly conventions attested in this manuscript show the kinds of critical apparatus that fed into the early medieval appropriation of Vergil and above all demonstrate that Servius was a staple of the Carolingian world.

Dans le manuscrit Harley 2782, le commentaire tardo-antique de Servius sur Virgile a été transmis sous forme d’un document indépendant, modifié, corrigé, glosé, préparé pour retrouver les informations mythologiques, enrichi de monogrammes Nota, ainsi qu’il a été entrecoupé et augmenté à l’aide des scholia adespota et du matériel non Servien. Les conventions scolastiques attestées par ce manuscrit montrent quels types d’apparats critiques alimentaient le début de l’appropriation médiévale de Virgile et surtout prouvent que Servius était une composante essentielle du monde carolingien.

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This doctoral dissertation examines the description of the North as it appears in the Old English Orosius (OE Or.) in the form of the travel accounts by Ohthere and Wulfstan and a catalogue of peoples of Germania. The description is discussed in the context of ancient and early medieval textual and cartographic descriptions of the North, with a special emphasis on Anglo-Saxon sources and the intellectual context of the reign of King Alfred (871-899). This is the first time that these sources, a multidisciplinary approach and secondary literature, also from Scandinavia and Finland, have been brought together. The discussion is source-based, and archaeological theories and geographical ideas are used to support the primary evidence. This study belongs to the disciplines of early medieval literature and (cultural) history, Anglo-Saxon studies, English philology, and historical geography. The OE Or. was probably part of Alfred s educational campaign, which conveyed royal ideology to the contemporary elite. The accounts and catalogue are original interpolations which represent a unique historical source for the Viking Age. They contain unparalleled information about peoples and places in Fennoscandia and the southern Baltic and sailing voyages to the White Sea, the Danish lands, and the Lower Vistula. The historical-philological analysis reveals an emphasis on wealth and property, rank, luxury goods, settlement patterns, and territorial divisions. Trade is strongly implied by the mentions of central places and northern products, such as walrus ivory. The references to such peoples as the Finnas, the Cwenas, and the Beormas appear in connection with information about geography and subsistence in the far North. Many of the topics in the accounts relate to Anglo-Saxon aristocratic culture and interests. The accounts focus on the areas associated with the Northmen, the Danes and the Este. These areas resonated in the Anglo-Saxon geographical imagination: they were curious about the northern margin of the world, their own continental ancestry and the geography of their homeland of Angeln, and they had an interest in the Goths and their connection with the southern Baltic in mythogeography. The non-judgemental representation of the North as generally peaceful and relatively normal place is related to Alfredian and Orosian ideas about the unity and spreading of Christendom, and to desires for unity among the Germani and for peace with the Vikings, who were settling in England. These intellectual contexts reflect the innovative and organizational forces of Alfred s reign. The description of the North in the OE Or. can be located in the context of the Anglo-Saxon worldview and geographical mindset. It mirrors the geographical curiosity expressed in other Anglo-Saxon sources, such as the poem Widsith and the Anglo-Saxon mappa mundi. The northern section of this early eleventh-century world map is analyzed in detail here for the first time. It is suggested that the section depicts the North Atlantic and the Scandinavian Peninsula. The survey of ancient and early medieval sources provides a comparative context for the OE Or. In this material, produced by such authors as Strabo, Pliny, Tacitus, Jordanes, and Rimbert, the significance of the North was related to the search for and definition of the northern edge of the world, universal accounts of the world, the northern homeland in the origin stories of the gentes, and Carolingian expansion and missionary activity. These frameworks were transmitted to Anglo-Saxon literary culture, where the North occurs in the context of the definition of Britain s place in the world.

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The attitude of the medieval church towards violence before the First Crusade in 1095 underwent a significant institutional evolution, from the peaceful tradition of the New Testament and the Roman persecution, through the prelate-led military campaigns of the Carolingian period and the Peace of God era. It would be superficially easy to characterize this transformation as the pragmatic and entirely secular response of a growing power to the changing world. However, such a simplification does not fully do justice to the underlying theology. While church leaders from the 5th Century to the 11th had vastly different motivations and circumstances under which to develop their responses to a variety of violent activities, the teachings of Augustine of Hippo provided a unifying theme. Augustine’s just war theology, in establishing which conflicts are acceptable in the eyes of God, focused on determining whether a proper causa belli or basis for war exists, and then whether a legitimate authority declares and leads the war. Augustine masterfully integrated aspects of the Old and New Testaments to create a lasting and compelling case for his definition of justified violence. Although at different times and places his theology has been used to support a variety of different attitudes, the profound influence of his work on the medieval church’s evolving position on violence is clear.

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Este trabajo lo hemos realizado dentro del proyecto de investigación «La Retórica en el medievo» concedido por la UPV (1/UPV 00106.130H-14809/2002).

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À l’aube du IXe siècle, les Carolingiens prétendent imposer à l’Occident l’unité dans la foi et le culte. Cet idéal domine les pensées des empereurs qui se conçoivent comme protecteurs, législateurs et juges, mais aussi vicaires du Christ et recteurs de l’Église. De telles ambitions stimulent l’élaboration d’un gouvernement original. Comme les conquêtes avaient composé une vaste mosaïque de populations, de cultures et d’intérêts, la concorde posait un grand défi. Pour y répondre, Charlemagne et Louis le Pieux ont fait des communications leur premier outil politique. Leur inventivité et leur efficience furent appréciables, mais elles n’ont pas suffi à leur gagner toutes les adhésions : la discorde s’est installée là où l’empereur ne parvenait pas à maintenir une relation forte avec les élites régionales. Les distances et les modalités des communications déterminaient la nature de leurs échanges, donc leurs limites et, de ce fait, le destin de l’Empire carolingien. L’enquête aborde un vaste éventail documentaire : actes, capitulaires, correspondances, monnaies... Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux relations du pouvoir impérial avec les élites du sud-ouest de l’empire. Ses résultats dépendent d’un étayage complexe : dispositifs de représentation du pouvoir, conséquences politico-sociales des distances et des vitesses de déplacement, anthropologie de la rencontre et des relations à distance, étude des réseaux. Au-delà des considérations propres à l’histoire des VIIIe-IXe siècles, elle démontre l’intérêt d’aborder les réalités politiques prémodernes du point de vue des défis que présentent les distances géographiques, les rencontres et les communications.

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This article is the first full examination of the Irish translation of the popular and influential medieval romance "Octavian". I argue that the source for this Irish translation was an insular version of the romance, probably in Middle English. I show how the Irish translator incorporated material from another romance, "Fierabras", in order to introduce the characters of Charlemagne and his vassals into the story. This is the only version of "Octavian" that gives the text a Carolingian setting. I also demonstrate that the version of the romance from which the Irish translation was produced differed in significant ways from any of the surviving versions in other languages. I suggest that the Irish translation provides our only witness to a lost variant version of "Octavian" and, as such, extends our knowledge of the corpus of insular romance in the Middle Ages.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The labyrinthum Capella quoted in the title (from a Prudentius of Troyes epistle) represents the allegory of the studium of the liberal arts and the looking for knowledge in the early middle age. This is a capital problem in the early Christianity and, in general, for all the western world, concerning the relationship between faith and science. I studied the evolution of this subject from its birth to Carolingian age, focusing on the most relevant figures, for the western Europe, such Saint Augustine (De doctrina christiana), Martianus Capella (De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii) and Iohannes Scotus Eriugena (Annotationes in Marcianum). Clearly it emerges that there were two opposite ways about this relatioship. According to the first, the human being is capable of get a knowledge about God thanks to its own reason and logical thought processes (by the analysis of the nature as a Speculum Dei); on the other way, only the faith and the grace could give the man the possibility to perceive God, and the Bible is the only book men need to know. From late antiquity to Iohannes Scotus times, a few christian and pagan authors fall into line with first position (the neoplatonic one): Saint Augustine (first part of his life, then he retracted some of his views), Martianus, Calcidius and Macrobius. Other philosophers were not neoplatonic bat believed in the power of the studium: Boethius, Cassiodorus, Isidorus of Seville, Hrabanus Maurus and Lupus of Ferriéres. In order to get an idea of this conception, I finally focused the research on Iohannes Scotus Eriugena's Annotationes in Marcianum. I commented Eriugena's work phrase by phrase trying to catch the sense of his words, the reference, philosophical influences, to trace antecedents and its clouts to later middle age and Chartres school. In this scholastic text Eriugena comments the Capella's work and poses again the question of the studium to his students. Iohannes was a magister in schola Palatina during the time of Carl the Bald, he knew Saint Augustine works, and he knew Boethius, Calcidius, Macrobius, Isidorus and Cassiodorus ones too. He translated Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus the Confessor. He had a neoplatonic view of Christianity and tried to harmonize the impossibility to know God to man's intellectual capability to get a glimpse of God through the study of the nature. According to this point of view, Eriugena's comment of Martianus Capella was no more a secondary work. It gets more and more importance to understand his research and his mystic, and to understand and really grasp the inner sense of his chief work Periphyseon.