13 resultados para Carmelite


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Stable isotope ratios (δ13C and δ15N) were measured in human burials from the post-medieval (16th–18th c. AD) Carmelite friary burial grounds at Aalst, a town in Flanders, Belgium. Dietary patterns of 39 adult individuals were analyzed, from a mixed monastic and lay population buried in three different locations, reflecting groups with differing social status. The data show significant variation in the consumption of perhaps meat, but certainly also marine protein between females and males. This result represents a remarkable continuity with medieval dietary patterns, suggesting that the social and economic changes of the early modern period had a limited effect on everyday life. When both sexes were examined together, individuals buried in the cloister garth consumed significantly less marine protein compared to people buried in the church, likely reflecting social stratification. No statistical differences were observed between isotopic values from the church and the cloister alley, suggesting a similarly diverse diet of the monastic part of the buried population and that of the richer lay population. Finally, the hypothesis that diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis (DISH) is linked to a diet rich in animal protein was tested. No systematic or statistically significant differences between pathological and non-pathological bones from the same individuals affected with DISH were observed, and no statistical differences were found between individuals with DISH and individuals without DISH

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Dedication signed: Richd Cumberland.

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Contient : Gravure du sceau des cordeliers de Blois ; Signature de « Scipion Begon » ; Signature du curé de S. Sauveur de Blois en 1680 ; Pièce imprimée contenant un arrêt du conseil d'État, daté de Paris le 5 juillet 1657, sur une requête de Philippe de France, duc d'Orléans et comte de Blois, contre Me Claude Baudouin, traitant, au bas duquel on lit, après la formule imprimée : « Collationné à l'original par moy, conseiller secretaire du roy et de ses finances », la signature manuscrite « BEGON » avec paraphe ; Lettre autographe signée : « MOREAU, presbtre, curé de S. Laurent de Montoire », et adressée le 11 fevrier 1680 à l'abbé Bégon ; Lettre autogr. signée : « AUDEBERT », concernant l'hôpital général de Blois. Postérieure au mois de mai 1659 ; Dessin à l'encre représentant un château. Ce dessin est signé : « F. Anseaume » et est daté « 1680 » ; Lettre autogr. signée : « THORIN ». Elle est adressée à l'abbé Bégon, sousdoyen de S. Sauveur de Blois, et est datée de Chartres le 28 mars 1678 ; « Arrest de la cour de parlement contre les religieuses... de Saincte Veronique de Blois. 29 mars 1649. Pièce imprimée ; Armoiries gravées ; Lettre autogr. signée : « CLAIRE TERESE DE JESUS, religieuse carmelite indigne », à M. l'abbé Bégon ; Deux sceaux, plaqués en cire rouge, du couvent des Ursulines de Blois. Ces sceaux portent au centre un lis et autour de ce lis la légende : « De saincte Ursule de Blois » ; Lettre autogr. signée du R. P. « PATRICE GASTINEAU », datée de Blois, 21 mars 1678, et adressée à l'abbé Bégon ; Armoiries dessinées à l'encre de « Thibault, comte de Blois » ; Processions de Blois ; « Liste des paroisses du bailliage de Blois » ; « Nombre des feus de l'eslection » de Blois en l' « année 1639 » ; Armoiries dessinées à l'encre. Au-dessous on lit : « Raoul » ; Liste des paroisses de l'élection de Blois ; Esquisse à l'encre des armes de « Gaston, duc d'Orléans, comte de Blois » ; Lettre autographe signée : « C. HUGUES METURAS, curé de Monteaux », à l'abbé Bégon ; Lettre autographe signée : « GIRARDEAU, presbtre, curé de Tour », à l'abbé Bégon. Tour, 27 novembre 1680 ; Paroisses qui dépendent de l'archidiaconé de Vendôme ; Gravure représentant la couronne d'épines et au milieu de cette couronne les mots : Jésus Maria. Six têtes d'anges la contemplent ; Liste des 93 paroisses de l'élection de Vendôme ; Lettre autographe signée : « MORIN, chanoine ». Vendôme, 11 décembre 1682. A l'abbé Bégon ; Archidiaconé de Vendôme. Liste des prieurés et chapelles ; Paroisses de l'élection de Vendôme ; Lettre autographe signée : « FRANÇOIS DEGYNES », à l'abbé Bégon. Vendôme, 29 août 1680 ; Lettre autographe sans signature. A l'abbé Bégon. « A Faix, ce 17 novembre 1676 » ; « Armes de Vierzon », dessinées à l'encre ; Lettre autographe signée : « Fr. Antoine d'Orléans, capucin, gardien indigne » du couvent de Vendôme. A l'abbé Bégon. Orléans, 9 mai 1618 ; « Marquisat de Vatan »

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Pós-graduação em Artes - IA

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Pós-graduação em Artes - IA

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In der vorliegenden Arbeit sind erstmals die Karmeliterchorbücher des Mainzer Dommuseums - ein fünfbändiges Antiphonar und ein Graduale - kodikologisch und kunsthistorisch untersucht worden. Dabei stellte sich heraus, dass diese bislang in der Literatur nur bruchstückhaft bekannten Handschriften zwei eigenständige Werke sind, deren Bildinitialen nicht - wie bislang angenommen - von dem in einer Widmung genannten Frater Nycolaus angefertigt worden sind. Dieser konnte lediglich als Schreiber von drei Bänden des Antiphonars identifiziert werden. Die neun Bildinitialen des handwerklich solide angefertigten Graduales folgen altbekannten böhmischen Vorbildern und bestechen durch ihre Erzählfreude und Detailgenauigkeit. Kunsthistorisch bedeutsamer sind die fünf erhaltenen Bildinitialen des Antiphonars, das wahrscheinlich von dem Mainzer Juristen und Geschichtsforscher Franz Joseph Bodmann im 19. Jahrhundert um mindestens zehn weitere Bildinitialen beraubt wurde. Die Qualität der verbliebenen Bildinitialen, die teilweise weit entwickelte Landschaften, eine hochmoderne Verkündigungsszene und Mustergrundinitialen zeigen, die in enger Verbindung zum Göttinger Musterbuch stehen, sichern dem Antiphonar einen bedeutenden Rang in der Mittelrheinischen Kunst. Beide Liturgika überraschen durch die qualitative und quantitative Ausstattungsfülle beim einzeiligen Initialschmuck. Zwei in die Jahre 1430 und 1432 datierte Widmungen im Antiphonar nennen als Auftraggeber einen Johannes Fabri aus dem Mainzer Handwerk, der 17 Jahre später zum Prior des Mainzer Karmeliterklosters aufgestiegen ist. Ein dargestelltes Stifterpaar im Graduale lässt auch dort auf Auftraggeber aus dem Bürgertum schließen, die die Handschrift wahrscheinlich im zweiten Viertel des 15. Jahrhunderts in Auftrag gaben. Die in der Literatur postulierte Karmeliterwerkstatt muss bezweifelt werden, da die ihr zugewiesenen Werke einer kritischen Überprüfung nicht standhalten.

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When on 26 May 1662 the founding first stone was laid for a new church on the island Nordstrand at the coast of Schleswig, relics of Teresa of Avila (1515-1582) and of the Dutch Carmelite abbess Maria Margaretha ab Angelis (1605-1658) were inserted. This church was built for Dutch dyke builders who were called to reconstruct the island after its destruction by flood in 1634; coming from a Catholic background and from the Dutch Republic which was at war with Spain at that time, the dyke builders and their families were guaranteed religious freedom in the Lutheran duchy of Holstein. In this paper, the reasons for the choice for the Spanish mystic Teresa of Avila and for the Dutch Carmelite abbess Maria Margaretha are discussed. The latter patroness was never beatified but had died in the smell of holiness; after her death several miracles were ascribed to her. It is understandable that migrants brought relics of their appreciated holy persons who would remind them of their homeland. The paper will first shortly introduce the two patronesses of the church. In the second part, the reasons for this choice will be discussed. Behind this translation of relics not only spiritual reasons played a role. The function of the translation of the saints was first to keep up geographical and political connections with the old country (both Spain and the Netherlands), secondly to perpetuate personal-familial relationships (esp. with Maria Margaretha), thirdly to strengthen the confessional identity in a non-Catholic environment. Fourthly the transfer brought a certain model of Christian life and reform to the new place of living, which in the second part of the 17th century became marked as “Jansenist”. The paper shows the transformation of the island into an enclave of Dutch Catholic culture.

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Each play has half-title only, and continuous paging.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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This study investigates the religious group named 'shoe wearing carmelites' (or Calced Carmelites) from Brazil´s Order of Carmo, from 1580 until 1800, in the Capitaincy of Bahia de Todos os Santos (Recôncavo, city of Salvador and Sergipe) and in the Capitaincy of Pernambuco (Alagoas, Pernambuco and Itamaracá). The study does not include the religious group known as the 'Reformed' Carmelites from Goiana, Recife and Paraíba convents. The Order of Carmo is a religious order from the Roman Catholic Church, founded in the 12th century. By the 16th century they were split into 'Calced' and 'Discalced'. In 1580 the Calced ones came from Portugal to Brazil, built convents in urban areas and were able to acquire slaves, farms and other assets. As any other religious order, the Carmelites had their modus operandi. This work emphasizes the way they operated or acted in the city, either individually or in association with other Carmelite religious foundations elsewhere (networking). Their action affected, although indirectly, the building of some specific aspects of the architecture, the city and the territory in colonial Brazil. The main objective of this study is to demonstrate the impact of the Calced Carmelites from Bahia and Pernambuco upon the territory of colonial Brazil, which is analyzed according to three scales: 1) the region or interurban; 2) the city or intraurban; 3) the building or the architecture. The research employs the comparative method of analysis, especially for the architectural scale. The work demonstrates that although not acting as architects or urbanists, the Carmelites contributed to the formation of the colonial territory of Brazil, behaving as a well-articulated and hierarchized religious network, from an economic and social perspective. Moreover, they influenced the emergence and growth of several colonial urban nuclei, from Bahia to Pernambuco, mainly in the surroundings of their religious buildings. Finally, it is very clear this religious order’s contribution to colonial architecture, as it can be seen by the architectural characteristics of the convents and churches which have been analyzed, many of which still stand in a good state of conservation nowadays.

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The Carmelite friars were the last of the major mendicant orders to be established in Italy. Originally an eremitical order, they arrived from the Holy Land in the 1240s, decades after other mendicant orders, such as the Franciscans and Dominicans, had constructed churches and cultivated patrons in the burgeoning urban centers of central Italy. In a religious market already saturated with friars, the Carmelites distinguished themselves by promoting their Holy Land provenance, eremitical values, and by developing an institutional history claiming to be descendants of the Old Testament prophet Elijah. By the end of the 13th century the order had constructed thriving churches and convents and leveraged itself into a prominent position in the religious community. My dissertation analyzes these early Carmelite churches and convents, as well as the friars’ interactions with patrons, civic governments, and the urban space they occupied. Through three primary case studies – the churches and convents of Pisa, Siena and Florence – I examine the Carmelites’ approach to art, architecture, and urban space as the order transformed its mission from one of solitary prayer to one of active ministry.

My central questions are these: To what degree did the Carmelites’ Holy Land provenance inform the art and architecture they created for their central Italian churches? And to what degree was their visual culture instead a reflection of the mendicant norms of the time?

I have sought to analyze the Carmelites at the institutional level, to determine how the order viewed itself and how it wanted its legacy to develop. I then seek to determine how and if the institutional model was utilized in the artistic and architectural production of the individual convents. The understanding of Carmelite art as a promotional tool for the identity of the order is not a new one, however my work is the first to consider deeply the order’s architectural aspirations. I also consider the order’s relationships with its de facto founding saint, the prophet Elijah, and its patron, the Virgin Mary, in a more comprehensive manner that situates the resultant visual culture into the contemporary theological and historical contexts.