893 resultados para Campbell, Lyle: Historical linguistics


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University of Queensland Working Papers in Linguistics is an opportunity to share and showcase ongoing research by staff, students, and associates of UQ’s Linguistics program, housed in the School of English, Media Studies, and Art History. This, the first volume, covers a number of topics ranging from formal syntactic theory to second language acquisition, and is representative of the broad spectrum of research that is carried out at The University of Queensland. While the papers herein represent works in progress, they have all been reviewed by two peer assessors, and revised in accordance with the assessors’ reports.

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This retrospective paper will shed light on the relations between Linguistics and Archaeology by drawing special attention to the history of Archaeology and the influence of Linguistic models for the development of archaeological interpretive frameworks. Reference will be made to culture history theoreticians, like Gordon Childe, to processual archaeologists influenced by Structuralism and to post-processual discourse analysis. The paper will conclude stressing the importance of Linguistics to archaeological thought.

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The paper disputes two influential claims in the Romance Linguistics literature. The first is that the synthetic future tenses in spoken Western Romance are now rivalled, if not supplanted, as temporal functors by the more recently developed GO futures. The second is that these synthetic futures now have modal rather than temporal meanings in spoken Romance. These claims are seen as reflecting a universal cycle of diachronic change, in which verb forms originally expressing modal (or aspectual) values take on future temporal reference, becoming tenses. The new modal meanings supplant the temporal, which are then taken up by new forms. Challenges to this theory for French are raised on the basis of empirical evidence of two sorts. Positively, future tenses in spoken Romance continue to be used with temporal meaning. Negatively, evidence of modal meaning for these forms is lacking. The evidence comes froma corpora of spoken French, native speaker judgements and verb data from a daily broadsheet. Cumulatively, it points to the reverse of the claims noted above: the synthetic future in spoken French has temporal but little modal meaning.

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There is a morpheme 'li' in Mauritian Creole (MC), which is homophonous with the 3sg pronoun, and which, in the early creole, occurs frequently between the subject and the predicate in affirmative, present tense clauses. I propose that that 'li' may have originated as a resumptive pronoun, co-referential with the subject, but following the grammaticalization of new determiner elements to mark the semantic contrasts of [±definite] and singular vs. plural, 'li' has now grammaticalized into a predicate marker. Its presence is sensitive to both the nature of the predicate, and to the definiteness and specificity features of the subject NP. My analysis is within the framework of Truth Conditional Semantics, where indefinite NPs are analyzed as variables that get introduced into the discourse, and must be bound by an operator to yield a closed proposition, with a truth value. Drawing on a comparison with a cognative morpheme 'i' in Seychellois Creole, I claim that its path to grammaticalization is linked to that of the specificity marking 'la'.

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This paper argues that at a particular stage in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC), the 3sg possessive pronoun 'so', inherited from the French 'son' was used as a definite determiner as well as a possessive pronoun. It was used when there was a need to single out a unique element in the discourse, or to introduce a new referent which was to become the focus of attention. 'So' was mostly used with genitive constructions, where a phonologically null determiner was equally grammatical. This paper argues that, in the early creole, genitive constructions licensed the determinative use of this pronoun. The use of 'so' with genitive constructions is no longer grammatical in modern MC, but this particle continues to be used as an emphatic determiner, where it now modifies both singular and plural NPs.

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This paper describes the emergence of new functional items in the Mauritian Creole noun phrase, following the collapse of the French determiner system when superstrate and substrate came into contact. The aim of the paper is to show how the new language strived to express the universal semantic contrasts of (in)definiteness and singular vs. plural. The process of grammaticalization of new functional items in the determiner system was accompanied by changes in the syntax from French to creole. An analysis within Chomsky’s Minimalist framework (1995, 2000, 2001) suggests that these changes were driven by the need to map semantic features onto the syntax.

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The Great Lakes lie within a region of East Africa with very high human genetic diversity, home of many ethno-linguistic groups usually assumed to be the product of a small number of major dispersals. However, our knowledge of these dispersals relies primarily on the inferences of historical, linguistics and oral traditions, with attempts to match up the archaeological evidence where possible. This is an obvious area to which archaeogenetics can contribute, yet Uganda, at the heart of these developments, has not been studied for mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) variation. Here, we compare mtDNA lineages at this putative genetic crossroads across 409 representatives of the major language groups: Bantu speakers and Eastern and Western Nilotic speakers. We show that Uganda harbours one of the highest mtDNA diversities within and between linguistic groups, with the various groups significantly differentiated from each other. Despite an inferred linguistic origin in South Sudan, the data from the two Nilotic-speaking groups point to a much more complex history, involving not only possible dispersals from Sudan and the Horn but also large-scale assimilation of autochthonous lineages within East Africa and even Uganda itself. The Eastern Nilotic group also carries signals characteristic of West-Central Africa, primarily due to Bantu influence, whereas a much stronger signal in the Western Nilotic group suggests direct West-Central African ancestry. Bantu speakers share lineages with both Nilotic groups, and also harbour East African lineages not found in Western Nilotic speakers, likely due to assimilating indigenous populations since arriving in the region ~3000 years ago.