919 resultados para COLOMBIA-RIGHTS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES CAUCA-2006-2010
Resumo:
El análisis de este estudio se centra en describir el proceso que vivió la movilización indígena a través de la Minga de Resistencia Social y Comunitaria; que inició con diversas mingas a partir del año 2006 y se consolidó en el año 2009. Esta movilización tiene como fin exigir la restitución de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas del Departamento del Cauca. La Minga, se convierte en una herramienta política y social que a partir de la movilización empieza a estructurarse e involucrar a otros sectores de la sociedad.
Resumo:
This work seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of the agreements and disagreements between the State and the indigenous peoples in Ecuador, emphasising particularly on two key elements: first, the indigenous peoples participation and exercise of their political rights, in particular the right to self-government and autonomy within their jurisdictions; and secondly, indigenous peoples’ degree of direct influence on public policies’ formulation and implementation, specially those directly affecting their territories, including the exploitation of natural resources. In Ecuador, during this historical period, the state has gone through three major moments in its relationship with indigenous peoples: neo - indigenism associated to developmentalism (1980-1984); multiculturalism associated to neoliberalism (1984- 2006) as one of the dominant trends over the period; and the crisis of neoliberalism and the search for national diversity and interculturalism associated to post- neoliberalism (2007-2013). Each has had a particular connotation, as to the scope and methods to respond to indigenous demands. In this context, this research aims to answer the central question: how has the Ecuadorian State met the demands of the indigenous movement in the last three decades, and how has it ensured the validity of their gradually recognized rights? And how and to what extent by doing so, it contradicts and alters the existing economic model based on the extraction of primary resources?
Resumo:
The objective of this paper is to summarise epidemiological information about the distribution of dental caries among Indigenous peoples in Brazil. The authors also present a case study of a specific group of Xavante Indians, one of the most numerous of Brazil`s Indigenous peoples, describing how their oral health has deteriorated over recent decades, and showing how an oral health programme is attempting to reverse the present trend of increase in caries. The programme at Etenheritipa Xavante village incorporated three principal components: educational, preventive, and clinical. From the beginning, the programme included epidemiological record keeping for monitoring the level of caries in the population. Transversal studies of the condition of oral health among the Xavante of Etenheritipa were undertaken in 1999, 2004, and 2007. In the period from 2004 to 2007 the DMFS values in the 11-15 age cohort had a significant reduction in caries experience. The mean DMFS score fell from 4.95 in 2004 to 2.39 in 2007 (p<0.01). An increase in the percent of individuals who were free from caries was also noted: in 1999, 20% of adolescents 11-15 had no caries; in 2007, the proportion had risen to 47%. The Xavante case is a prime example of the transition in oral health that is taking place among the Indigenous peoples of the Americas, and it highlights the importance of oral health promotion through preventive measures such as access to fluoridation and basic care in reducing the inequality between Indians and non-Indians.
Resumo:
While children in general are overrepresented among those living in poverty, a long history of discrimination and exclusion has ensured that indigenous children in Latin America and the Caribbean are in an even worse position. In the general population 63% of children aged under 18 years live in poverty, as measured by privation of the basic rights to well-being; however, that figure is as high as 88% among indigenous children in the same age group. This is a violation of these children's rights —including their rights to survival and development— and entails high costs for society in terms of productive capacity and social inclusion. That is the thrust of the argument in the central article of this issue of Challenges, which focuses on poverty among indigenous children. The data show a pattern of inequality that is highly detrimental to indigenous children: they make up a disproportionate number of those living in extreme poverty and are three times more likely to lack access to education, safe drinking water and housing than other children. It is a matter of particular concern that in the countries of the Andean Community 5 of every 10 indigenous children under the age of 5 years suffer from chronic malnutrition.This edition includes brief testimonies by indigenous children as to what their life is like; an interview with Marta Maurás, Vice-Chairperson of the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, on the international mechanisms in place to safeguard the rights of indigenous children; and, lastly, an article on the Uantakua programme in Mexico, which uses information and communication technologies in bilingual schools with large indigenous populations.
Resumo:
In most highway asset management exercises, real estate used in alignments is considered to be an asset class that does not depreciate. Although the treatment of right of way assets as non-depreciable real property may be appropriate as an accounting exercise, the fact is that the real estate contained in transportation corridors can in fact lose value from a traffic service point of view. Such facilities become functionally obsolete in that they no longer serve the purpose that was intended when they were planned, designed, and built. This report is intended to begin a discussion of the topic of how highway alignments ought be valued as assets as opposed to how they generally are valued, at either book value or replacement value, given it can be shown that some highway alignments do in fact depreciate in value.
Resumo:
In this thesis, I argue that there are public cultural reasons that can underpin public justifications of minority rights of indigenous and national minorities in a constitutionaldemocracy. I do so by tackling diverse issues facing a liberal theory of multiculturalism. In the first essay, I criticize Will Kymlicka’s comprehensive liberal theory of minority rights and propose a political liberal alternative. The main problem of Will Kymlicka’s theory is that it builds on the contestable liberal value of individual autonomy and thus fails to take diversity seriously. In the second essay, I elaborate on the Rawlsian political liberalism assumed here by criticizing Chandran Kukathas’s version of political liberalism as overly accommodating to diversity. In the third essay, I discuss questions of method that arise for a political liberal approach to the moral-political foundations of multiculturalism, and propose a certain understanding of the political liberal enterprise and its crucial standard of reasonableness. In the fourth essay, I dwell on the political liberal ethic of citizenship and propose a strongly inclusionist interpretation of the duty of civility. In the fifth and last essay, I introduce a certain understanding of ethnocultural justice and propose a view on certain cultural reasons as public cultural reasons. Cultural reasons are public when they are based on necessarily established cultural marks of a democratic polity, as specified by the cultural establishment view; and when they are crucial for the societal cultural bases of self-respect of citizens. The arguments in this thesis support, and help to spell out, moral-political rights of indigenous and national minorities as formulated in international legal documents, such as the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007) or the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (United Nations 1966).
Resumo:
This workshop details the deculturalization process that takes place when Indigenous Peoples are used as mascots in school-related activities; examines the arguments(s) and defensive tactics used by sports fans and school officials to maintain these hegemonic images; and offers successful strategies for developing policy toward the elimination of Indigenous Peoples as mascots.
Resumo:
Many of the elements that have traditionally supported state level normative self-organization, most notably territory, are being actively undermined by rising sea levels, flooding, desertification, amongst other climate change effects. As more and more states come to be redefined as â disappearingâ , that is, states losing their territories to the natural environment through no specific fault of their own, a question arises as to how displaced communities will be assisted in their desire (and right) to continue to practice principles of self-determination and self-government? What is clear is that the international community can no longer continue with the fiction of a unified or unchanging model of the liberal democratic state. Instead, alternative ontological models of sovereign community are required, as is a re-imagining of how statehood might be re-constituted in the future in response to deepening ecological problems. The international community must now begin to address the immanent nature of threats posed to disappearing states and consider how a model of statehood that does not privilege territory as a fixed component of state identity could be operationalized. This paper considers how a democratic reform of statehood might proceed and resettlement agreements for displaced communities determined. The transition to an era of peaceful sovereign relations under deteriorating global climate conditions and growing natural resource scarcity, it argues, will require a significant extension of established traditions of democratic compromise, human rights solidarity and cosmopolitan justice.
Resumo:
This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.
Resumo:
[spa] Tras largas y complejas negociaciones, la Unión Europea celebró un acuerdo comercial con Colombia en 2010 que ha empezado a aplicarse provisionalmente el 1 de agosto de 2013. El artículo se centra en las relaciones entre Colombia y la Unión y analiza el impacto que dicho acuerdo pueda tener en el marco de las obligaciones de las partes de respetar los derechos humanos universalmente reconocidos, incluyendo derechos sociales y los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. De dicho análisis se deriva que la presencia de cláusulas democráticas o de derechos humanos en el Acuerdo es insuficiente, habida cuenta los antecedentes del SGP+ vigente hasta la entrada en vigor del nuevo acuerdo, mientras que algunos aspectos sustantivos del Acuerdo permiten augurar consecuencias negativas respecto de los sectores sociales más desfavorecidos en la República de Colombia.
Resumo:
[spa] Tras largas y complejas negociaciones, la Unión Europea celebró un acuerdo comercial con Colombia en 2010 que ha empezado a aplicarse provisionalmente el 1 de agosto de 2013. El artículo se centra en las relaciones entre Colombia y la Unión y analiza el impacto que dicho acuerdo pueda tener en el marco de las obligaciones de las partes de respetar los derechos humanos universalmente reconocidos, incluyendo derechos sociales y los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. De dicho análisis se deriva que la presencia de cláusulas democráticas o de derechos humanos en el Acuerdo es insuficiente, habida cuenta los antecedentes del SGP+ vigente hasta la entrada en vigor del nuevo acuerdo, mientras que algunos aspectos sustantivos del Acuerdo permiten augurar consecuencias negativas respecto de los sectores sociales más desfavorecidos en la República de Colombia.