956 resultados para Brazil Empire
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O recrutamento militar para a Marinha de Guerra brasileira, entre 1822 a 1870, foi marcado por importantes mudanças políticas no Império. Foi um fenômeno social, parte integrante, da constituição da classe dirigente do período, a classe senhorial, e do Estado Imperial. O recrutamento tinha por regulamento a lei de 10 de julho de 1822 que liberava do tributo, os trabalhadores empregados nas principais atividades econômicas, além daqueles que estava sob a proteção de algum poder local. Essas condições deixavam a prestação do serviço aos desempregados, vadios, desvalidos e criminosos, fazendo que a Marinha cumprisse um papel também prisional, em eu castigos físicos era a regra de punição. A Marinha de Guerra, após os primeiros anos da independência dependeu enormemente do engajamento de estrangeiros. Na Regência, surgiram as primeiras ações para a nacionalização da força armada, com o recrutamento de menores e indígenas. Em 1840, no início do Segundo Reinado, foi criado o Corpo de Imperiais Marinheiros, que expandiu-se pelo Brasil, a partir de 1855. Essas ações representaram iniciativas de instrução para a profissionalização dos marinheiros brasileiros no Império.
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This work seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the Abdication, analyzing how and why sections of the army joined the liberal groups against the emperor, focusing on the period that immediately preceded this event. The argument is that the alliance between sections of the army and the liberal groups in 1831 was possible because the expansion of the "public space" in the city of Rio de Janeiro, a process in which newspapers such as "O Republico" played a key role as they became a privileged locus for political disputes. The article shows that that newspaper helped to build a political identity based on the defense of Brazilian interests against Portuguese despotism, giving momentum to internal conflicts around this subject that were already taking place among sections of the army and hence triggering the process that would lead to the Abdication.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
A abdicação de D. Pedro I: espaço público da política e opinião pública no final do Primeiro Reinado
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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Cover title: Brazilian pamphlet on the abolition of the slave trade, and the gradual emancipation of slaves.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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In May of 1864, Maximilian of Austria reached the Mexican coast, being this journey his last, ending three years later with his execution. Much has been written about the reasons that prompted his acceptance of the crown of Mexico, a country so distant in every sense of his cultural environment. However, years ago Maximilian had traveled to Spain and Brazil (to Spain twice) and these experiences, although not determinant, greatly influenced the decision of the Archduke, who saw the chance to realize a dream he had conceived on his trip to Spain and that was consolidated during his stay in Brazil, as we can extract from his travel memoirs.
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Joseph Brodsky, one of the most influential Russian intellectuals of the late Soviet period, was born in Leningrad in 1940, emigrated to the United States in 1972, received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1987, and died in New York City in 1996. Brodsky was one of the leading public figures of Soviet emigration in the Cold War period, and his role as a model for the constructing of Russian cultural identities in the last years of the Soviet Union was, and still is, extremely important. One of Joseph Brodsky’s great contributions to Russian culture of the latter half of the twentieth century is the wide geographical scope of his poetic and prose works. Brodsky was not a travel writer, but he was a traveling writer who wrote a considerable number of poems and essays which relate to his trips and travels in the Soviet empire and outside it. Travel writing offered for Brodsky a discursive space for negotiating his own transculturation, while it also offered him a discursive space for making powerful statements about displacement, culture, history and geography, time and space—all major themes of his poetry. In this study of Joseph Brodsky’s travel writing I focus on his travel texts in poetry and prose, which relate to his post-1972 trips to Mexico, Brazil, Turkey, and Venice. Questions of empire, tourism, and nostalgia are foregrounded in one way or another in Brodsky’s travel writing performed in emigration. I explore these concepts through the study of tropes, strategies of identity construction, and the politics of representation. The theoretical premises of my work draw on the literary and cultural criticism which has evolved around the study of travel and travel writing in recent years. These approaches have gained much from the scholarly experience provided by postcolonial critique. Shifting the focus away from the concept of exile, the traditional framework for scholarly discussions of Brodsky’s works, I propose to review Brodsky’s travel poetry and prose as a response not only to his exilic condition but to the postmodern and postcolonial landscape, which initially shaped the writing of these texts. Discussing Brodsky’s travel writing in this context offers previously unexplored perspectives for analyzing the geopolitical, philosophical, and linguistic premises of his poetic imagination. By situating Brodsky’s travel writing in the geopolitical landscape of postcolonial postmodernity, I attempt to show how Brodsky’s engagement with his contemporary cultural practices in the West was incorporated into his Russian-language travel poetry and prose and how this engagement thus contributed to these texts’ status as exceptional and unique literary events within late Soviet Russian cultural practices.
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This article discusses the necessary conditions for a democratic government to prevail, with the study Coronelismo: the Municipality and Representative Government in Brazil as the point of departure. The article seeks to identify the book's causal explanations for the emergence of democracy, and more precisely for regimes in which governments lose elections. Why were elections not truly competitive over the course of the Empire and the First Republic? Why did they change after the fall of the Estado Novo? Nunes Leal was one of the few Brazilian authors to explicitly tackle this challenge.
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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Ttahuantin-Suyu, or, the empire of the Yncas (except Quito and Chile) : in its four great divisions of Chincha-Suyu, Cunti-Suyu, Anti-Suyu, Colla-Suyu : with their tribes and ayllus or lineages, also the routes of the Ynca conquerors by Clements R. Markham ; Trel. Saunders Geogr. It was published for the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society in 1873. Scale [ca. 1:3,000,000]. Covers the territory of the former Inca Empire, South America.The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the 'World Mercator' projection. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, Inca territories, routes of conquerors, shoreline features, and more. Relief shown by shading and hachures. Inset: An enlarged map of the cradle of the Ynca race.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection and the Harvard University Library as part of the Open Collections Program at Harvard University project: Organizing Our World: Sponsored Exploration and Scientific Discovery in the Modern Age. Maps selected for the project correspond to various expeditions and represent a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.
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This book takes on a global perspective to unravel the complex relationship between Imperial Germany and its diaspora. Around 1900, German-speakers living abroad were tied into global power-political aspirations. They were represented as outposts of a "Greater German Empire" whose ethnic links had to be preserved for their own and the fatherland’s benefits. Did these ideas fall on fertile ground abroad? In the light of extreme social, political, and religious heterogeneity, diaspora construction did not redeem the all-encompassing fantasies of its engineers. But it certainly was at work, as nationalism "went global" in many German ethnic communities. Three thematic areas are taken as examples to illustrate the emergence of globally operating organizations and communication flows: Politics and the navy issue, Protestantism, and German schools abroad as "bulwarks of language preservation." The public negotiation of these issues is explored for localities as diverse as Shanghai, Cape Town, Blumenau in Brazil, Melbourne, Glasgow, the Upper Midwest in the United States, and the Volga Basin in Russia. The mobilisation of ethno-national diasporas is also a feature of modern-day globalization. The theoretical ramifications analysed in the book are as poignant today as they were for the nineteenth century.