988 resultados para Australian languages


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"Facsimiles of letters written by aborigines educated at the mission schools", listed in Table of contents, and in Index as p. 29 of the Addendum, are not found in this copy; page 28 ends with the word "Finis", followed by printer's address at foot of page.

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Contrary to the common pattern of spatial terms being metaphorically extended to location in time, the Australian language Jingulu shows an unusual extension of temporal markers to indicate location in space. Light verbs, which typically encode tense, aspect, mood and associated motion, are occasionally found on nouns to indicate the relative location of the referent with respect to the speaker. It is hypothesised that this pattern resulted from the reduction of verbal clauses used as relative modifiers to the nouns in question.

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Yukulta’s antipassive construction is obligatorily used to code transitive propositions that involve counterfactuals or marked A-O relationships. Its use and the use of active transitive constructions are strictly regulated by these grammatical features, to the extent that the two constructions have a complementary distribution. The particular functions of Yukulta’s antipassive and its highly conditioned usage are atypical for antipassives cross-linguistically.

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It has long been observed that many languages from all over the world require that certain grammatical categories (e.g., person, number, tense, modality) occur in the "second position" of a clause. Much of the research into second position has developed formal explanations for this recurring pattern, based on interactions between morphosyntax and phonology. In this article I explore how pragmatics of information packaging interacts with these other features in the development of such morphosyntactic architecture in three North-Central Australian languages: Warlpiri, Wambaya, and Garrwa.

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We extend Cuervo's (2003) analysis of the Lower Applicative Dative DP in Spanish to account for the animate definite DP preceded by a and the fact that it is not possible to have both an animate dative definite direct object and a dative indirect object in the same clause. We argue that the presence of such a dative DP 'blocks' the upward movement of the direct object DP to the specifier of the Lower Applicative phrase. We analyse the case ‘mismatch’ between the third person accusative clitic and the co-referring dative DP with animate definite reference in River Plate Spanish as resulting from the raising of the accusative clitic to the head of the Applicative phrase and the movement of the DP to its specifier, where dative case is always assigned in Spanish. We propose that similar phenomena observed in some Australian languages are amenable to a similar analysis.