Socio-technical transitions and policy change - Advocacy coalitions in Swiss energy policy

Policies and politics are an integral part of socio-technical transitions but have not received much attention in the transitions literature so far. Drawing on the advocacy coalition framework, our paper addresses this gap with a study on actors and coalitions in Swiss energy policy. Our results show that advocacy coalitions in Switzerland have largely remained stable despite the Fukushima shock. However, heterogeneity of beliefs has increased and in 2013, even a majority of actors expressed their support for the energy transition – an indication that major policy change might be ahead. It seems that in socio-technical transitions, changes in the policy issue and in the actor base also work toward policy change, next to changes in core beliefs. We make suggestions how the advocacy coalition framework can inform analysis and theory building in transition studies. We also present first ideas about the interplay of socio-technical systems and policy systems.

Advocacy coalitions:influencing the policy process in the EU

The aim of this contribution is to critically evaluate one of the theoretical approaches used to study the European Union (EU) political system and interest groups activity: the advocacy coalition framework (ACF). ACF considers that the outcome of legislative procedures is influenced by the alignment and role played by advocacy coalitions. This contribution assesses the impact of ACF on our understanding of the influences on the EU policy processes, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of the approach. The main argument is that the ACF, although very useful in studying the EU political system, shows shortcomings when applied to the study of EU interest groups' performance. The contribution ends with a consideration of future directions for theoretical and empirical ACF research, alone and as part of wider integrated theoretical approaches to understanding the dynamics of influence in the EU. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

Corporate coalitions and policy making in the European Union:how and why British American tobacco promoted "better regulation"

Over the past fifteen years, an interconnected set of regulatory reforms, knownas Better Regulation, has been adopted across Europe, marking a significant shift in theway that European Union policies are developed. There has been little exploration of the origins of these reforms, which include mandatory ex ante impact assessment. Drawing on documentary and interview data, this article discusses how and why large corporations, notably British American Tobacco (BAT), worked to influence and promote these reforms. Our analysis highlights (1) howpolicy entrepreneurs with sufficient resources (such as large corporations) can shape the membership and direction of advocacy coalitions; (2) the extent to which "think tanks" may be prepared to lobby on behalf of commercial clients; and (3) why regulated industries (including tobacco) may favor the use of "evidence tools," such as impact assessments, in policy making. We argue that a key aspect of BAT's ability to shape regulatory reform involved the deliberate construction of a vaguely defined idea that could be strategically adapted to appeal to diverse constituencies.We discuss the theoretical implications of this finding for the Advocacy Coalition Framework, as well as the practical implications of the findings for efforts to promote transparency and public health in the European Union.

Apprentissage et changement : l’Advocacy Coalition Framework et l’évolution de la politique militaire africaine de la France 1994-2008

La politique militaire de la France en Afrique est en évolution. La véracité factuelle de ce constat est désormais difficilement contestable. Ce changement s’observe d’abord dans le discours où l’on parle de plus en plus d’anciennes pratiques dépassées et reconnaît que ce qui était politiquement possible et admis il y a vingt ans ne l’est plus aujourd’hui. Ce processus s’incarne ensuite dans la modification des instruments d’action ainsi que dans les modes et les niveaux d’utilisation de ces instruments. Partant de ces considérations, le présent travail se propose d’examiner les facteurs à l’origine de cette évolution. Il part des réponses jusqu’ici proposées pour apporter un éclairage nouveau au sujet des forces et dynamiques à la base des changements annoncés ou observés. Contrairement à la littérature existante qui a jusqu’ici privilégié les approches matérialistes et utilitaristes pour expliquer les transformations entreprises et celles promises dans la politique militaire africaine de la France, cette étude propose, à l’inverse, une perspective inspirée des approches cognitives et axée sur le processus d’apprentissage. Ainsi, plutôt que de voir dans les réformes ici analysées le résultat exclusif de changements structurels ou systémiques survenus dans l’environnement économique, social ou international des États, notre analyse fera davantage valoir que cette transformation a pour l’essentiel été une adaptation faite à la lumière des leçons tirées d’expériences antérieures. Cette analyse s’appuie sur l’Advocacy Coalition Framework. Développée par Paul A Sabatier et ses collègues, il postule que la prise de décision en matière de politique publique peut être mieux comprise comme une compétition entre coalitions de cause, chacune étant constituée d’acteurs provenant d’une multitudes d’institutions (leaders de groupes d’intérêt, agences administratives, chercheurs, journalistes) qui partagent un système de croyances lié à l’action publique et qui s’engagent dans un effort concerté afin de traduire des éléments de leur système de croyances en une politique publique.

The engagement of territorial knowledge communities with European spatial planning and the territorial cohesion debate: a Baltic perspective

Recent, dramatic spatial development trends have contributed to the consolidation of a unique territorial governance landscape in the Baltic States. The paper examines the transformation of this evolving institutional landscape for planning practice and knowledge, which has been marked by the disintegration of Soviet institutions and networks, the transition to a market-based economy and the process of accession to the EU. It explores the evolution of territorial knowledge channels in the Baltic States, and the extent and nature of the engagement of actors' communities with the main knowledge arenas and resources of European spatial planning (ESP). The paper concludes that recent shifts in the evolution of these channels suggest the engagement of ESP has concentrated among epistemic communities at State and trans-national levels of territorial governance. The limited policy coordination across a broader spectrum of diverse actors is compounded by institutionally weak and fragmented professional communities of practice, fragmented government structures and marginalized advocacy coalitions.

Mosaicos de áreas protegidas e unidades de conservação. Dificuldades e desafios num arranjo de governança híbrida: o caso do Mosaico Bocaina

O objetivo principal desta tese é compreender o funcionamento de um mosaico de áreas protegidas e unidades de conservação – o Mosaico Bocaina. Entende-se hoje que a política de conservação de biodiversidade depende da criação e adequada gestão de áreas protegidas. No entanto, a apropriação estatal de porções do território se deu por meio de decretos de criação de unidades de conservação num período em que não era obrigatória a consulta à população que habita essas localidades, o que acabou gerando inúmeros inconvenientes para ambos os lados e um verdadeiro imbróglio jurídico quando se trata do reconhecimento dos direitos difusos. O Mosaico Bocaina foi criado por uma portaria do Ministério do Meio Ambiente no final de 2006. Desde 2007 vem tentando se firmar como um instrumento de planejamento e gestão integrada e participativa de um conjunto unidades de conservação. Tenta-se também mitigar e buscar possíveis soluções para conflitos fundiários históricos criados pela sobreposição de territórios oficiais e tradicionais. Por meio da análise sistemática dos documentos produzidos no âmbito do seu Conselho Consultivo, e do acompanhamento das discussões de temas caros aos atores interagindo nesse fórum de governança híbrida, procuramos entender por que certos temas avançam e entram na agenda, sendo encaminhados para as instâncias decisórias competentes, e outros nem sequer conseguem ser processados, sendo bloqueados assim que entram na pauta. Identificamos que tal processo é resultado da dinâmica de configuração de forças de duas coalizões de defesa que disputam, mais que compartilham, espaços no território, e sempre polarizaram as discussões. De um lado, a coalizão pró-biodiversidade, que agrega gestores de unidades de conservação (tanto de proteção integral quanto de uso sustentado) e outros atores cujo foco nem sempre é uma agenda claramente conservacionista, mas excludente. De outro, a coalizão pró-sociodiversidade, que luta pela adoção de uma agenda socioambientalista e alternativa, com a inclusão e garantia do protagonismo das comunidades tradicionais nos projetos de desenvolvimento local sustentável. Acreditamos que essa polarização e dificuldade de construção de consensos baseados em princípios de colaboração e cooperação é resultado da própria complexidade da gestão da governança em fóruns híbridos como esse, complexidade esta derivada da coexistência de valores, preferências e interesses muitas vezes divergentes. Mas também conseguimos identificar outros fatores específicos, resultados de características locais e/ou escolhas realizadas pelo coletivo de atores ao longo da trajetória. A enorme assimetria de informação e poder entre os atores participantes, por exemplo, dificulta o desenvolvimento de confiança e mecanismos de reciprocidade. A adoção de uma coordenação colegiada, por outro lado, acabou comprometendo o surgimento de uma liderança ou instância neutra que funcionasse como mediadora dos processos de negociação entre as partes. O profundo desconhecimento das possibilidades – mas, sobretudo, também dos limites – dos mosaicos de áreas protegidas e unidades de conservação como instrumento de gestão territorial dentro do amplo Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação gera expectativas de solução de conflitos que dependem de decisões que são tomadas alhures, o que acaba frustrando e desmobilizando os participantes de ambos os lados. A imagem de aparente apatia dos órgãos ambientais federais e estaduais, por sua vez, derivada da morosidade dos processos públicos, tende a infundir ainda mais incerteza no relacionamento entre os atores.

Empreendedorismo político no Congresso Nacional brasileiro: a participação da Secretaria de Direitos Humanos na tramitação da PEC do trabalho escravo

Este é um estudo da atuação da Secretaria de Direitos Humanos da Presidência da República na tramitação da Proposta de Emenda Constitucional (PEC) conhecida como PEC do Trabalho Escravo, que tramitou por 15 anos no Congresso Nacional e foi promulgada em junho de 2014, dando origem à Emenda Constitucional 81/14. Espera-se, com isso, contribuir para a discussão sobre o papel de empreendedores políticos no processo de formulação de políticas públicas do Brasil. O longo processo de tramitação da matéria e as divergências entre importantes setores do Congresso e da sociedade constituem um ponto de partida para a investigação do processo de formulação de consensos que fazem avançar uma proposição legislativa, e permitem identificar os empreendedores políticos (KINGDON, 2011) que protagonizaram a esses entendimentos. A partir de entrevistas e análise de dados primários e secundários, foi possível identificar grupos organizados em maior ou menor grau para o exercício de pressão sobre o trâmite legislativo, que constituem o que Sabatier e Jenkins-Smith definem como coalizões de advocacy, ou seja, grupos que se organizam em torno de um sistema de crenças e valores em comum para influenciar o processo de formulação de políticas públicas (SABATIER, 1988). Propõe-se analisar atores (ONGs, mídia, órgãos internacionais) e compreender seus mecanismos de atuação e como foi possível articular todos esses interesses, expandindo, dessa forma, o entendimento acadêmico sobre a produção de políticas públicas, compreendendo o impacto que a mobilização desses atores “alternativos” teve sobre a formulação da proposta de lei em questão. Pudemos verificar na atuação da SDH/PR os fundamentos conceituais de aprendizado político (policy learning) e sua atuação como empreendedor político, decisiva para a aprovação da PEC do Trabalho Escravo. Indo além, a SDH/PR foi importante naquilo que denominamos “criação de momentos de decisão”, um avanço crucial para romper o ciclo de protelações que marcaram a história da tramitação da PEC. O empreendedorismo político da SDH/PR foi além das prerrogativas definidas pelo próprio multiple streams framework: um empreendedorismo político à brasileira.

As coalizões de defesa e as mudanças na política externa comercial e energética dos Estados Unidos para o etanol em 2011

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Policy-Oriented Learning Among National Forest Stakeholders in the Pacific Northwest: Changes in Policy Beliefs Since Adoption of the Northwest Forest Plan

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Something Worth Fighting For: The Evolution of Lobbying Coalitions in the Emissions Trading System. Bruges Political Research Papers 50/2015.

This thesis attempts to understand who fought for influence within the European Union’s policy area of the Emissions Trading System (ETS). The ETS is a key aspect of the European Union’s (EU) climate change policy and is particularly important in light of the conclusions at the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. It was first established in 2003 with Directive 2003/87/EC and completed its first major revision in 2008 with Directive 2009/29/EC. Between these two key Directives, the interplay between industrial and environmental incentives means that the ETS has created a dynamic venue for divergent interest groups. So as to identify the relevant actors, this paper applies the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) of Sabatier. Using position papers, semi-structured interviews, and unpublished documents from the EU institutions, this paper answers it primary research question in its identification of an economy-first and an environment-first lobbying coalition. These coalitions have expanded over time with the environment-first coalition incorporating Greenpeace and the economy-first coalition expanding even further in both scope and speed. However, the economy-first coalition has been susceptible to industry-specific interests. In its application of the ACF, the research shows that a hypothesised effect between the ACF’s external events and these lobbying coalitions is inconclusive. Other hypotheses stemming from the ACF relating to electricity prices and the 2004 enlargement seem to be of significance for the relative composition of the lobbying coalitions. This paper finds that there are certain limitations within the ACF. The findings of this thesis provide a unique insight into how lobbying coalitions within a key EU policy area can form and develop.

Forest-related partnerships in Brazilian Amazonia: There is more to sustainable forest management than reduced impact logging

There is more to sustainable forest management than reduced impact logging. Partnerships between multiple actors are needed in order to create the institutional context for good forest governance and sustainable forest management and stimulate the necessary local community involvement. The idea behind this is that the parties would be able to achieve more jointly than on their own by combining assets, knowledge, skills and political power of actors at different levels of scale. This article aims to demonstrate by example the nature and variety of forest-related partnerships in Brazilian Amazonia. Based on the lessons learned from these cases and the authors` experience, the principal characteristics of successful partnerships are described, with a focus on political and socioeconomic aspects. These characteristics include fairly negotiated partnership objectives, the active involvement of the public sector as well as impartial brokers, equitable and cost-effective institutional arrangements, sufficient and equitably shared benefits for all the parties involved, addressing socioeconomic drawbacks, and taking measures to maintain sustainable exploitation levels. The authors argue that, in addition to product-oriented partnerships which focus on sustainable forest management, there is also a need for politically oriented partnerships based on civil society coalitions. The watchdog function of these politically oriented partnerships, their awareness-raising campaigns regarding detrimental policies and practices, and advocacy for good forest governance are essential for the creation of the appropriate legal and political framework for sustainable forest management. (C) 2008 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Are a health advocacy diary and health assessment welcomed by those who use them?

Aim: To determine acceptability of a health advocacy intervention, the Ask Diary and the comprehensive health assessment program (CHAP). Method: We performed a two by two designed randomised controlled trial of the Ask Diary and the CHAP tool in  adults with intellectual disability. Results of interviews of self-advocates and caregiver advocates, both families and paid carers, will be presented. Results: The interviews found strong support for the Ask Diary and the CHAP tool among selfadvocates and family caregivers. There was clear indication that the Ask Diary improved advocacy, aided in the organisation of health matters and was easy to use. It was reported that the health assessment resulted in benefits for the person’s health and high acceptability by carers. There was less support for the interventions where the person was supported through government services. Conclusions: Self-advocates and family caregivers welcome and use a personalised health advocacy diary and also a health assessment. However paid carers used the diary less but were supportive of the health assessment.