351 resultados para Activists
Resumo:
(Excerto) O entusiasmo pela comunicação digital percorre transversalmente a obra How Internet Radio Can Change the World: An Activist’s Handbook, de Eric Lee. Esta postura tão apologista das possibilidades comunicativas oferecidas pela Internet reforça provavelmente um conjunto alargado de entendimentos sobre a conquista do quotidiano pelo digital. Em 1967, McLuhan e Fiore já se referiam aos circuitos eletrónicos como ‘extensões do sistema nervoso central’. Numa leitura mais contemporânea, José Bragança de Miranda refere: “vivemos, nos nossos dias, no meio de conexões, de links, do on‑line, estamos votados à participação, à ‘interactividade’, etc. Algo de novo está a emergir” (2001, p. 265). Maria Teresa Cruz (2001) define a convergência tecnológica das relações sociais como a ‘mobilização erótica da técnica’. Esta obra aqui recenseada pretende, assim, desafiar a utilização da rádio digital para “melhorar a comunicação e solidificar as organizações” (p. 1), em torno de três grupos de reflexão.
Resumo:
A prolonged confrontation between Yahoo! Inc. and French anti-racismactivists who ask for the removal of Nazi items from auction sitesas well as restricted access to neo-Nazis sites is analyzed. We presentthe case and its development up to the decision of Yahoo! Inc. to removethe items from yahoo.com following a French court s verdict against thefirm. Using a business ethics approach, we distinguish the legal,technical, philosophical and managerial issues involved in the case andtheir management by Yahoo! We conclude on the difficulty of governingrelations with society from corporate and legal affairs departments atthe headquarters level, and on the clash of two visions over theregulation of social freedom.
Resumo:
In this thesis, I explore how the folk-rock music of Ani DiFranco has influenced the activist commitments, sensibilities, and activities of reproductive rights activists. My interest in the relation of popular music to social movements is informed by the work of Simon Frith (1987, 1996a, 1996b), Rob Rosenthal (2001), and Ann Savage (2003). Frith argues that popular music is an important contributor to personal identity and the ways that listeners see the world. Savage (2003) writes that fans develop a unique relationship with feminist/political music, and Rosenthal (2001) argues that popular music can be an important factor in building social movements. I use these arguments to ask what the influence of Ani DiFranco's music has been for reproductive rights activists who are her fans. I conducted in-depth interviews with ten reproductive rights activists who are fans of Ani DiFranco's music. All ten are women in their twenties and thirties living in Ontario or New York. Each has been listening to DiFranco's music for between two and fifteen years, and has considered herself a reproductive rights activist for between eighteen months and twenty years. I examine these women's narratives of their relationships with Ani DiFranco's music and their activist experience through the interconnected lenses of identity, consciousness, and practice. Listening to Ani DiFranco's music affects the fluid ways these women understand their identities as women, as feminists, and in solidarity with others. I draw on Freire's (1970) understanding of conscientization to consider the role that Ani's music has played in heightening women's awareness about reproductive rights issues. The feeling of solidarity with other (both real and perceived) activist fans gives them more confidence that they can make a difference in overcoming social injustice. They believe that Ani's music encourages productive anger, which in turn fuels their passion to take action to make change. Women use Ani's music deliberately for energy and encouragement in their continued activism, and find that it continues to resonate with their evolving identities as women, feminists, and activists. My study builds on those of Rosenthal (2001) and Savage (2003) by focusing on one artist and activists in one social movement. The characteristics of Ani DiFranco, her fan base, and the reproductive rights movement allow new understanding of the ways that female fans who are members of a female-dominated feminist movement interact with the music of a popular independent female artist.
Resumo:
This article analyzes the role of expert witness testimony in the trials of social movement actors, discussing the trial of the "Kingsnorth Six" in Britain and the trials of activists currently mobilising against airport construction at Notre Dame des Landes in western France. Though the study of expert testimony has so far overwhelmingly concentrated on fact-finding and admissibility, the cases here reveal the importance of expert testimony not simply in terms of legal argument, but in "moral" or political terms, as it reflects and constitutes movement cognitive praxis. In the so-called climate change defence presented by the Kingsnorth Six, I argue that expert testimony attained a "negotiation of proximity," connecting different types of contributory expertise to link the scales and registers of climate science with those of everyday understanding and meaning. Expert testimony in the trials of activists in France, however, whilst ostensibly able to develop similar bridging narratives, has instead been used to construct resistance to the airport siting as already proximate, material, and embedded. To explain this, I argue that attention to the symbolic, as well as instrumental, functions of expert testimony reveals the crucial role that collective memory plays in the construction of both knowledge and grievance in these cases. Collective memory is both a constraint on and catalyst for mobilisation, defining the boundaries of the sayable. Testimony in trials both reflects and reproduces these elements and is a vital explanatory tool for understanding the narrativisation and communication of movement identities and objectives. © 2013 The Author. Law & Policy © 2013 The University of Denver/Colorado Seminary.
Resumo:
The focus of this paper is young people’s participation in the Occupy protest movement that emerged in the early autumn of 2011. Its concern is with the emotional dimensions of this and in particular the significance of emotions to the reasoning of young people who came to commit significant time and energy to the movement. Its starting point is the critique of emotions as narrowly subjective, whereby the passions that events like Occupy arouse are treated as beyond the scope of human reason. The rightful rejection of this reductionist argument has given rise to an interest in under- standings of the emotional content of social and political protest as normatively con- stituted, but this paper seeks a different perspective by arguing that the emotions of Occupy activists can be regarded as a reasonable force. It does so by discussing find- ings from long-term qualitative research with a Local Occupy movement somewhere in England and Wales. Using the arguments of social realists, the paper explores this data to examine why things matter sufficiently for young people to care about them and how the emotional force that this involves constitutes an indispensable source of reason in young activists’ decisions to become involved in Local Occupy.
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In this introduction to the collection, we explain its focus on non-Western small states. While the terms ‘non-Western’ and ‘small states’ are problematic – we discuss these problems here – the smallness and non-Westerness of the states studied by the contributing authors set them apart in a way that has attracted little academic attention so far. They allow them to operate with fewer normative and practical constraints than their bigger, Western counterparts; offer them a wide range of (often historically forged) political ties; and force them to draw on a diversity of approaches and strategic thinking, and a creativity, that they are too rarely credited for. Non-Western small states, rather than being mere survivors constrained to the world’s periphery, are better understood as activist states intent on existing. The collection offers a range of analytical keys to make sense of these states and their role in the international scene.
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The objective of this article is to examine the current government proposal of racialization in the Brazilian population, in order to offer support to affirmative action programs that meet the specific needs of those who classify themselves as black. Firstly we focused on the revival of the notion of race among scholars, politicians, and anti-racism activists, as well as on the difficulty in determining who is black in Brazil. Next we examined the racial quota system in the United States and its proclaimed success. Finally, we assessed the extent to which the introduction of racial quota in employment and university enrollment should be imposed as the sole political option for those intending to eliminate racism in Brazilian society.
Resumo:
The dialectic tension between the phenomenon of illiteracy and the remedial efforts of the literate to provide a voice for those who don t have one, reflects at the same time the difficulties that the emerging discourses have to struggle with, and highlights the importance of this struggle as one that belongs to the opressed, not the well-meaning educators and political activists. It also informs the latter s efforts on behalf of the uneducated. Naturally these issues have attracted a good deal of attention of some specialists in South America. There is now a movement afoot there that aims at placing illiterate discourse inside the societal discourse proper without letting the latter manipulate the former for its own ends. I will address the typical exigencies and limitations inherent in such efforts, but at the same time point to new ways of understanding and handling the problem of literacy in a developing country.
Resumo:
Police cordon on Brisbane street during visit of former South Vietnamese vice president Nguyen Cao Ky to Australia in January 1967.