Can Mosquito Magnet® substitute for human-landing catches to sample anopheline populations?

The efficiency of the Mosquito Magnet Liberty PlusTM (MMLP) trap was evaluated in comparison to human-landing catches (HLCs) to sample anopheline populations in Jabillal, state of Bolivar, southern Venezuela. The village comprised 37 houses and a population of 101; malaria in this village is primarily due to Plasmodium vivax and the Annual Parasite Index is 316.8 per 1,000 population. A longitudinal study was conducted between June 2008-January 2009 for three nights per month every two months between 17:30 pm-21:30 pm, a time when biting mosquitoes are most active. Anopheles darlingi and Anopheles nuneztovari were the most common species collected by both methods, whereas Anopheles marajoara was more abundant according to the HLC method. The MMLP trap was more efficient for collecting An. nuneztovari [63%, confidence interval (CI): 2.53] than for collecting An. darlingi (31%, CI: 1.57). There were significant correlations (p < 0.01) between the two methods for An. darlingi [Pearson correlation (R²) = 0.65] and An. nuneztovari (R² = 0.48). These preliminary results are encouraging for further investigations of the use of the MMLP trap for monitoring anopheline populations in remote malaria-endemic areas in the Amazon Basin.

The LTTE Proposals for an Interim Self-Governing Authority and Future of the Peace Process in Sri Lanka

The political brinkmanship of the Liberation Tigers of the Tamil Eelam has been illustrated vividly by the way in which it brought forward its proposals for an Interim Self-Governing Authority by exploiting the vulnerabilities of the United National Front Government. In the proposals the LTTE articulated its political intentions in concrete constitutional terms for the first time. The Proposals rationalize the armed struggle and a contractual agreement outside the Constitution. The plenary powers of the ISGA exceed the federal formula; effectively exclude the institutions of the state of Sri Lanka from the North-East; and clear the route for a separate state. This situation demands a redirection of the peace process which requires a clear political vision and a proper strategy with alternative proposals on the part of the government. In the face of present impasse of the peace process the challenges before the new Freedom Alliance government are formidable.

ルワンダにおける二つの紛争－ジェノサイドはいかに可能となったのか

独立直前の「社会革命」と1990年代の内戦というルワンダにおける２つの紛争を比較し、後者が50万人以上の犠牲者を生んだジェノサイドへと至ったメカニズムを考察する。２つの紛争はいずれも国家権力闘争に発する内戦であり、それがエスニックな紛争へと転化した点で似ているが、犠牲者の数は圧倒的に異なる。ジェノサイドが可能になったのは、権力喪失の危機感を抱いた急進派が特定のエスニック集団の殺戮を正当化するイデオロギーを流布し、かつ地方行政機構をはじめとする国家機構を動員して民間人の殺戮を実践したからであった。こうした国家機構を通じた動員は、冷戦下に存立した国家のあり方に由来する。国際環境の変化がこうした国家を脆弱化させて紛争を引き起こす一方、従来の体制下で成立した動員システムを急進派が利用し、組織的な暴力が行使されたためにジェノサイドに至ったといえる。

ルワンダの紛争とエスニシティ－創られた民族？

1994年に100万人近い犠牲者を生んだルワンダの虐殺では、トゥチという民族が殺戮の主たる対象となった。言語、宗教、居住地に違いがなく、植民地化以前からの長い歴史を共有するルワンダにおいて、なぜ一つの民族名が殺戮の符丁となったのか。植民地化以降の国家の変容とエスニシティ創出の過程を歴史的に分析した。

Ethnicity and Elections under Authoritarianism: The Case of Kazakhstan

Despite the ethnicisation of power since independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has managed to maintain political stability without experiencing large-scale mobilisation to oppose Kazakh domination. This paper examines government strategy to avoid ethnic voting in an attempt to explain why ethnic divisions were rarely reflected in the struggle for power in the republic. While the arbitrary use of legal provisions considerably limited participation in elections by ethnic leaders, powerful pro-president parties that exhibited a cross-ethnic character were created to curtail ethnically based movements. The control strategy in elections aimed not simply at ethnicising the parliament in favour of Kazakhs, but at having loyal Russians and other minorities represented in the legislature through nomination by the president and catch-all pro-regime parties, or through the presidential consultative body—Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan. This well-controlled representation of minorities served not only to placate non-Kazakhs but also to provide legitimacy for the Kazakh-dominated leadership by projecting the image of cross-ethnic support for the president and some degree of power-sharing.

The inverted Chinese / China problem in Indonesia : a preliminary analysis on the 2011 Surabaya incident

A clash between the police and journalists covering a Falun Gong gathering in Surabaya 2011 have shown a significant change in understanding the triangular relationship between Indonesia, China and the Ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. During the Suharto period, ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and China as a foreign state were the problems for the Indonesian government. After the political reforms in Indonesia together with the Rise of China in 2000s, in some situation, it is the Indonesian government together with the Chinese government which is the problem for some ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. Ethnic Chinese people were seen to be close with China and their loyalty to the nation was doubted. But now it is the Indonesian government which is viewed as being too close to China and thus harming national integrity, and suspected of being unnationalistic.