Czechs Look Back on 1989, a Revolution Betrayed: A Reflection on the Mythology of the Velvet Revolution

Twenty-five years ago today the Velvet Revolution kicked off in what was then Czechoslovakia to bring an end to the one-party government of the Communist Party. This exclusive translation of a feature from the Czech journal A2 Cultural Bi-Weekly explains that the events of 1989 were about more than just Václav Havel, a playwright and leader in the revolution who was elected president in 1990. A generation of unfulfilled promises later, Czechs are struggling to revive the spirit of not only democracy and humanism, but also socialism. This article originally appeared in Ricochet, November 17, 2014.

El discurso sobre la victimización de la mujer afgana como estrategia y justificación para la permanencia de las tropas estadounidenses en Afganistán (2001-2013)

La presente investigación pretende demostrar que la principal estrategia estadounidense para justificar su intervención y permanencia en territorio afgano ha sido el discurso. Donde se pueden identificar dos etapas a lo largo de esta última década. Inicialmente para explicar su incursión en Afganistán se utilizó el discurso de la seguridad y la guerra contra el terrorismo, años después frente al agotamiento y la critica tanto interna como internacional, el tema de la situación de la mujer en Afganistán cobra mayor importancia y con ello a través de los diferentes pronunciamientos y la exposición de casos específicos los diferentes gobiernos intentan cohesionar la opinión internacional y nacional frente a la necesidad de permanecer con sus tropas en el territorio.

Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007

Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government. Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.

Meillä ei ole ikuisia ystäviä eikä ikuisia vihollisia. Ikuisia ovat meidän omat etumme. : Suomen suhteet Kiinan kansantasavaltaan 1949 - 1989

"We have neither Eternal Friends nor Eternal Enemies. We have only Eternal Interests .Finland's Relations with China 1949-1989 The study focuses on the relations between Finland and the People s Republic of China from 1949-1989 and examines how a small country became embroiled in international politics, and how, at the same time, international politics affected Finnish-Chinese relations and Finland s China policy formulation. The study can be divided into three sections: relations during the early years, 1949-1960, before the Chinese and Soviet rift became public; the relations during the passive period during the 1960s and 1970s; and the impact of China s Open Door policy on Finland s China policy from 1978-1989. The diplomatically challenging events around Tiananmen Square and the reactions which followed in Finland bring the study to a close. Finland was among the first Western countries to recognise the People s Republic and to establish diplomatic relations with her, thereby giving Finland an excellent position from which to further develop good relations. Finland was also the first Western country to sign a trade agreement with China. These two factors meant that Finland was able to enjoy a special status with China during the 1950s. The special status was further strengthened by the systematic support of the government of Finland for China's UN membership. The solid reputation earned in the 1950s had to carry Finland all the way through to the 1980s. For the two decades in between, during the passive policy period of the 1960s and 1970s, relations between Finland and the Soviet Union also determined the state of foreign relations with China. Interestingly, however, it appeared that President Urho Kekkonen was encouraged by Ambassador Joel Toivola to envisage a more proactive policy towards China, but the Cultural Revolution cut short any such plan for nearly twenty years. Because of the Soviet Union, Finland held on to her passive China policy, even though no such message was ever received from the Soviet Union. In fact, closer relationships between Finland and China were encouraged through diplomatic channels. It was not until the presidency of Mauno Koivisto that the first high-level ministerial visit was made to China when, in 1984, Foreign Minister Paavo Väyrynen visited the People s Republic. Finnish-Chinese relations were lifted to a new level. Foreign Minister Väyrynen, however, was forced to remove the prejudices of the Chinese. In 1985, when the Speaker of the Finnish Parliament, Erkki Pystynen visited China he also discovered that Finland s passive China policy had caused misunderstandings amongst the Chinese politicians. The number of exchanges escalated in the wake of the ground-breaking visit by Foreign Minister Väyrynen: Prime Minister Kalevi Sorsa visited China in 1986 and President Koivisto did so in 1988. President Koivisto stuck to practical, China-friendly policies: his correspondence with Li Peng, the attitude taken by the Finnish government after the Tiananmen Square events and the subsequent choices made by his administration all pointed to a new era in relations with China.

Kwestie kobiece w czesko-słowackiej refleksji filmowej po 1989 roku

Tekst stanowi krytyczną rekapitulację refleksji filmoznawczej prowadzonej w Czechach i Słowacji a dotykającej problematyki tzw. ženskej otázki (kwestii kobiecej). Myśl feministyczna i genderowa pojawiła się w refleksji publicznej i naukowej dopiero po Aksamitnej Rewolucji, napotykając na wstrzemięźliwą i zdystansowaną reakcję środowisk naukowych i twórczych. Dotychczasowa niezbyt rozbudowana refleksja nad kwestiami kobiecymi w kinie czeskim i słowackim, reprezentuje wczesny etap feminizmu akademickiego. Czesko-słowackie women’s studies skupiają się na gromadzeniu wiedzy dotyczącej historii, kultury, życia społecznego i politycznego kobiet. W centrum swojego dyskursu sytuują analizę wizerunków kobiecych, przede wszystkim we wczesnym kinie, rozważania nad kategorią kobiecości, jej specyfiką i przeobrażeniami dokonującymi się w procesie historycznym. Tymczasem w dokonaniach kinematografii Czech i Słowacji coraz większą rolę odgrywają kobiety reżyserki. Współczesne kino kobiet jest tu wyraźnie dostrzegalnym w swojej specyfice jakościowej i ilościowej zjawiskiem artystycznym, który na razie pozostaje obszarem nieeksplorowanym w czesko-słowackiej myśli filmoznawczej ukierunkowanej feministycznie i genderowo.

Influence et usage de la mémoire dans la vision officielle française de l’Allemagne réunifiée (1989-1995)

Ce mémoire part du constat que l’histoire et, a fortiori, la mémoire ont été largement sollicitées par le discours officiel français au moment et au lendemain de la réunification allemande. La fin définitive de l’après-guerre et le retour à la souveraineté diplomatique de l’Allemagne suscitent en France des questions qui inquiètent – en raison notamment du souvenir de l’histoire – et raniment la volonté d’encadrer la puissance allemande dans la communauté européenne. Pour comprendre le rôle que la mémoire a pu tenir dans la diplomatie française, l’étude tente d’analyser l’usage que les responsables français ont fait du passé en tant qu’instrument de la politique étrangère et le poids qu’il a représenté dans la vision française de l’unification allemande. Ce mémoire démontre que l’entendement du passé se conforme, sous toutes ses expressions, à la politique européenne de la France. Il atteste également que la France se saisit de ce moment charnière pour structurer un espace européen qui fait écho aux principes universalistes issus de la Révolution française, lesquels doivent être désormais portés par le binôme franco-allemand. L’invention de la tradition et l’usage métaphorique du passé répondent d’une préoccupation politique de réconciliation franco-allemande et accompagnent la mise en place d’un patriotisme historique sur lequel pourront s’établir les identités civique et juridique européennes. La mémoire officielle, qui est entièrement orientée vers la promotion et la justification de l’avenir communautaire, dénature certaines données historiques de manière à exorciser le présent d’un passé encombrant. Les limites de la mémoire officielle se trouvent donc dans cette représentation d’un passé aseptisé; un passé n’étant pas une finalité, mais un moyen déférant à l’intérêt national.

Análisis de los efectos de la Revolución Islámica en la formulación de la política exterior de Irán hacia Estados Unidos, durante el periodo postrevolucionario (1979-1989)

La Revolución Islámica es considerada como un acontecimiento determinante para la política exterior iraní. Una de sus consecuencias directas fue el cambio radical en su formulación respecto a las potencias y a los países de su región; a partir de 1979, con la instauración del nuevo régimen islámico, se desarrolló una política que respondió a las causas revolucionarias, y se caracterizó por estar orientada a la independencia y el no alineamiento. Este documento presenta el análisis del cambio que produjo la Revolución Islámica en la formulación de la Política Exterior de Irán hacia Estados Unidos desde el periodo de la instauración de la República Islámica de Irán, hasta la muerte del Ayatolá Jomeini en 1989. Periodo durante el cual, bajo la dirección del Ayatolá, se consolidó el régimen teocrático, y se mantuvo una política exterior muy diferente, hacia las potencias y sus países vecinos, a la que se manejó durante el régimen anterior del Sha Mohammed Reza Pahlevi.

The rise of urban tourism in Havana since 1989

This article looks at the development of urban tourism in Havana, Cuba, in the period since the collapse of state socialism in the USSR and Eastern Europe. It provides an interesting case study of the adoption of an outward-oriented state development policy in the context of a socialist state. The dramatic rise of urban-based tourism in Havana since 1989 is described, followed by a review of the socio-economic impacts of such tourism. These include: income generation; job creation; the rise of the informal economy, including crime and prostitution; increased migration to the primary city, along with spatial concentration on the coastal strip, and associated environmental impacts. In conclusion, the article considers the fat that the promotion of tourism has returned Havana to some of the conditions that existed in the city Socialist Revolution in 1959.

Flatpack revolution

The project consists of a trilogy of films and a live performance. The Future trilogy takes IKEA riot of 2005 as the starting point for a speculative history of a fictional future, culminating in a choreographed re-enactment of the original event. Shot on 16mm and 8mm film, the series explores the possibility of collective action emerging from the capitalist relations inherent in the consumer riot. The live performance No Haus Like Bau, staged at the HAU 1 theatre in Berlin for the 5th Berlin Biennale, continues this research into re-enactment and post-1989 politics by dramatizing the rise and fall of the soviet union as a neo-Constructivist mime using a stage set made of flatpack furniture. Using the aesthetics of Modernism and the avant garde, from Constructivist and Futurist constumes to biomechanics and Bauhaus theatre theory, the project transposes early twentieth century utopian ideology to a present day setting where mass uprisings are motivated by cheap commodities. These explorations of consumerism and revolution have been widely exhibited internationally and supported by Film London, Arts Council England, Collective Gallery and the Berlin Biennale. The Future Trilogy formed the basis of a solo exhibition at the Te Tuhi Art Centre in Auckland, New Zealand and was screened as part of the Signal and Noise media art festival in Vancouver, as well as other exhibitions and screenings including “Roll it to Me” at Collective Gallery, Edinburgh, and Apocatopia, Castlefield Gallery, Manchester.

Indústria calçadista brasileira e concorrência internacional: uma análise da qualidade dos produtos exportados e das estratégias adotadas pelas empresas (1989-2006)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A pedra e a água: uma leitura comparada de Pedro Páramo (1955), de Juan Rulfo, e Como água para chocolate (1989), de Laura Esquivel

Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS