992 resultados para portuguese constitutional court


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La ambigüedad y carencias de la regulación sobre internamientos no voluntarios por razón de trastorno psíquico, unidas a la declaración de inconstitucionalidad que afecta a algunas de sus disposiciones por carecer del debido rango legal, exigen la elaboración de una normativa completa y bien estructurada de la materia. La reciente STC 141/2012, de 2 de julio, enjuicia por primera vez un caso de internamiento psiquiátrico urgente desde la óptica del derecho fundamental a la libertad personal, y el TC aprovecha la coyuntura para desarrollar minuciosamente las garantías que han de respetarse en tales casos con el fin de evitar vulneraciones arbitrarias del mismo. Este trabajo analiza la novedosa doctrina que sienta el TC en dicha sentencia.

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This dissertation stands out the religious and social role of Christian religious minorities in Portuguese society, where the vast majority of the believers profess the Catholic faith. This work serves to demystify the widespread prejudice against minorities and clarify its place in the religious phenomenon in Portugal. We intend to define the concept of Religion, missing in the Portuguese legislation, framing it in Portuguese constitutional history, which allows us to evaluate the relations State/Catholic Church and State/religious minorities, since Liberalism. We attempt to measure how the legal system accepts the religious phenomenon and how to deal with religious diversity, according to the principle of religious freedom postulated in the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic. It is also our intention to relate the concepts of sect and religious minority, which tendentiously are misunderstood. In order to understand the underlying dynamics of religious minorities, we take the example of the Portuguese Evangelical Alliance, which we monitored closely throughout the investigation. We will give some space for a small analysis of the state and social discrimination experienced by the minorities. With this work we can conclude in general that Portugal, despite its weak religious diversity, has a good advance on the religious freedom. The Portuguese State has made a remarkable effort to cooperate with the churches, an effort that must be continued in order to fill some gaps found, particularly in the absence of legislation regarding the criminalization of religious discrimination and competence of the Committee on Religious Freedom in case of a possible complaint. We prove similarly that there is also a special attention to the Catholic Church in the composition of the Committee on Religious Freedom and the Committee Broadcast Time of Religious Confessions. In the end, we prove that the society is the major source of discrimination against minorities.

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Entodas las sociedades ha sido una necesidad importante que las personas obtengan decisiones debidamente motivadas por parte de las personas que las representan o que están en el poder. En la actualidad se denota claramente la imperfección en la técnica y en la formación de los jueces y tribunales al momento de dictar una infinidad de resoluciones judiciales, las cuales pueden estar bien o mal motivadas, afectando por tanto a un sin número de personas, ya sea en sus patrimonios o hasta su honor. A raíz de la vigencia de la Constitución de la Repúblicaen el año 2008, se incorporó una nueva garantía de derechos denominada Acción Extraordinaria de Protección, orientada a tutelar el debido proceso y los derechos constitucionales que resulten vulnerados en resoluciones judiciales emitidas por los jueces y tribunales en su actividad jurisdiccional, siendo la motivación uno de estos derechos que frecuentemente es vulnerado. En el presente trabajo se establece cual es la tesis que la Corte Constitucional ha desarrollado sobre la motivación y se explica los tres requisitos que la integran los cuales son: la razonabilidad, lógica, y la comprensibilidad; para que de esta manera la sociedad conozca esta garantía a plenitud y pueda ejercer su derecho a la defensa en el momento oportuno.

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Resumo: a criação de um Tribunal Constitucional Internacional irá possibilitar uma melhor defesa, manutenção e promoção dos direitos humanos fundamentais. Uma melhor protecção da democracia. Os direitos humanos fundamentais são, por excelência, um fenómeno que merece uma tutela por parte dos Tribunais. E também de uma protecção constitucional. Mutatis mutandis, é útil analisar o Tribunal Penal Internacional.§ Abstract: the creation of an International Constitutional Court will enable better protection, maintenance and promotion of fundamental human rights. Better protection of democracy. Fundamental human rights are par excellence, a phenomenon that deserves protection by the courts. And also a constitutional protection. Mutatis mutandis, it is useful to analyze the International Criminal Court.

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Con el paso y las transformaciones sociales, políticas y legales que implica una constituyente, en este caso la del 91, que daba nacimiento a la constitución del mismo año, se originó además una transición hacia un Estado social de derecho, pluriétnico y laico, el cual planteaba un discurso de diversidad e inclusión de la diferencia en diferentes aspectos de la vida social. Sin embargo, en el caso de la familia, esta constitución no representó cambios respecto al discurso estructura y funciones en la sociedad, pues perpetuaba el discurso familista, de una única forma legítima de familia: la nuclear patriarcal, implicando una falta de reconocimiento de la diversidad familiar en Colombia y provocando a su vez una afectación en la atención y protección social de las familias no reconocidas en Colombia. Tal es el caso de las familias monoparentales, cuya estructura no se corresponde a este discurso ideal de familia y gracias a su falta de reconocimiento tanto legal como social, la atención y protección social que reciben por parte del Estado, a través de las instituciones públicas de protección familiar, es parcializada a las jefaturas monoparentales femeninas, al igual de estigmatizadas. Pese a esto, desde 2013, ante la actual coyuntura de reivindicaciones sociales que buscan el reconocimiento de la diversidad de la familia en el país, han surgido mecanismos legales por parte de la corte constitucional, así como nuevas políticas de familia tanto a nivel nacional, como local, que están haciendo sus primeros acercamientos a lo que es la diversidad familiar y a cómo incluir y proteger a las familias. A lo largo del contacto con las instituciones públicas de protección familiar, donde se mostraron nuevas alternativas y avances que aunque representativos, aun no son suficientes, persistiendo la invisibilización tanto social como legal y una protección social parcializada de las familias monoparentales.

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Análisis de la dinámica legitimadora de la Corte Constitucional en el tributo de estampillas, considerado desde la jurisdicción departamental, en el Estado colombiano.

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La disciplina del pareggio di bilancio è in continua evoluzione, soprattutto a fronte delle nuove esigenze finanziarie per contrastare la pandemia. Questo elaborato, studiando la governance economica strutturata dopo la crisi dei debiti, le derivanti scelte italiane in materia di costituzionalizzazione del pareggio di bilancio e le conseguenze sulle autonomie locali, dimostra come il sistema di gestione delle finanze pubbliche a livello comunitario si stia completando, generando un rapporto normativo ciclico tra il livello europeo e quello locale. Ne è emersa una conflittualità tra le Regioni e lo Stato, che è analizzata al fine di comprendere la giustiziabilità costituzionale del pareggio di bilancio, osservando le esigenze di bilanciamento tra l’equilibrio finanziario e la tutela dei diritti sociali. La Corte Costituzionale ha recentemente conferito, in via giurisprudenziale, alla Corte dei Conti la potestà di svolgere un controllo diretto di costituzionalità del rispetto dell’equilibrio di bilancio degli enti nazionali e territoriali. Particolare attenzione viene data, poi, a seguito degli effetti della pandemia da Covid-19 sui bilanci degli Stati. A fronte della crisi pandemica, per la prima volta dall’approvazione del TSCG, la Commissione ha attivato la clausola di salvaguardia generale per sospendere il Patto di Stabilità (c.d. escape clause). Questa clausola ha permesso ai Paesi di ricorrere agli scostamenti di bilancio. Viene infine analizzato il piano “Next Generation EU”, che centralizza i prestiti verso gli Stati membri nel bilancio dell’Unione ed attinge dal mercato dei capitali le risorse necessarie per finanziare un totale di 750 miliardi, attraverso l’emissione di obbligazioni “Eu Bills”. Per la prima volta nella storia, l’Unione, nelle parole della Commissione, agisce sui mercati come se fosse uno Stato. La portata straordinaria del NGEU, con l’emissione di titoli europei, porta ad una sostanziale mutualizzazione dei debiti ed appare come un passo fondamentale verso il completamento dell’UEM e di un sistema federale.

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Euroopan unionin perustamissopimusten katsotaan muodostavan EU:n valtiosäännön, jonka rajat ovat kuitenkin perustamissopimusten määräysten väljän muotoilun sekä Euroopan unionin tuomioistuimen tulkintakäytännön valossa epätarkat. Etenkin kysymys unionin ja sen jäsenvaltioiden välisestä toimivallanjaosta on EU-oikeudellisen tutkimuksen klassikoita. Tarkastelen pro gradu -tutkielmassani unionin valtiosääntörakennetta ja unionioikeuden kokonaisvaikutusta jäsenvaltioiden toimivaltojen käyttöön erityisesti EU-tuomioistuimen ratkaisukäytännössään kehittämän niin kutsutun retained powers -doktriinin valossa. Kyseisen opin mukaan EU-oikeus asettaa vaatimuksia jäsenvaltioiden toimivaltojen käytölle myös niillä aloilla, joilla sääntelytoimivalta on jäänyt jäsenvaltioille eikä sitä ole jaettu unionin kanssa. Aiheen teoreettisen tarkastelun pohjalta analysoin Euroopaun unionin tuomioistuimen ratkaisukäytäntöä erityisesti yhtä säilytetyn toimivallan alaa, koulutusta, koskevissa tapauksissa pyrkien havaitsemaan typologioita tuomioistuimen ratkaisutoiminnassa. Tutkimus noudattaa EU-valtiosääntöoikeuden metodologiaa. Keskeisenä lähdemateriaalina on siten käytetty unionituomioistuimen ratkaisukäytäntöä, joka heijastaa perustamissopimuksia tarkemmin unionin valtiosääntörakennetta. Oikeuskäytännön analyysi ja tulkinta on suoritettu peilaten sitä vasten unionin kehitystä markkinaorientoituneesta organisaatiosta yleismaailmalliseksi poliittiseksi unioniksi. Tutkielmani loppupäätelmä on, että jäsenvaltiot ovat tietyissä rajoissa hyväksyneet unionituomioistuimen kehittämän doktriinin, ja unionituomioistuin on siten saanut aikaan tosiasiallisen muutoksen EU:n valtiosääntörakenteessa. Retained powers -doktriini on omiaan syventämään eurooppalaista integraatiota ja nostaa kysymyksiä toimivallanjaon merkityksestä unionioikeudessa, perustamissopimusten kyvystä heijastaa unionin valtiosääntörakennetta sekä unionituomioistuimen toiminnan poliittisesta luonteesta.

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The paper provides a close lecture of the arguments and methods of legal construction, employed in the extensive individual opinions written by the Justices of the Brazilian Supreme Court in the case which authorized the same sex civil union. After tracing an outline of the legal problem and his possible solutions, we analyze the individual opinions, showing their methodological syncretism, the use of legal methods and arguments in a contradictory way as well the deficiencies in the reasoning. The Justices use legal arguments, but do not meet the requirements of rationality in the decision-making. We have a rhetorical attempt that aims to satisfy the public opinion than to offer a comprehensive and coherent solution according the normative elements of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.

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The paper provides a close lecture of the arguments and methods of legal construction, employed in the extensive individual opinions written by the Justices of the Brazilian Supreme Court in the case which authorized the same sex civil union. After tracing an outline of the legal problem and his possible solutions, we analyze the individual opinions, showing their methodological syncretism, the use of legal methods and arguments in a contradictory way as well the deficiencies in the reasoning. The Justices use legal arguments, but do not meet the requirements of rationality in the decision-making. We have a rhetorical attempt that aims to satisfy the public opinion than to offer a comprehensive and coherent solution according the normative elements of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.

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The article discusses the trajectory of Manuel Luis da Veiga which, as a merchant in Portugal (where he was born) invested to install a factory in Pernambuco after the arrival of Real Family in the Rio de Janeiro, considering the changes, in these days, in the Portuguese Empire. It focuses the political sociabilities, remarking the role of Veiga in the court and his writings on political economy, understanding both as two linked dimensions of his social practice. It points out that his trajectory shows a deeply changing world in terms of paradigms, impossible to be understood simply in patterns of what was old or new in the beginning of XIX century.

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[From the Introduction]. European lawyers, at least those dealing predominantly with institutional matters, are living particularly interesting times since the setting-up of the “European Convention on the Future of Europe” in December 2001.1 As the Convention’s mandate, spelled out in rather broad terms in the European Council’s declaration of Laeken,2 is potentially unlimited, and as the future constitution of the European Union (EU) will be ultimately adopted by the subsequent Intergovernmental Conference (IGC), there appears to be a great possibility to clarify, to simplify and also to reform many of the more controversial elements in the European legal construction. The present debate on the future of the European constitution also highlights the relationship between the pouvoir constituant3 and the European Courts, the Court of Justice (ECJ) and its Court of First Instance (CFI), who have to interpret the basic rules and principles of the EU.4 In that light, the present article will focus on a classic theme of the Court’s case law: the relationship between judges and pouvoir constituant. In the EU, this relationship has traditionally been marked by the ECJ’s role as driving force in the “constitutionalisation” of the EC Treaties – which has, to a large extent, been accepted and even codified by the Member States in subsequent treaty revisions. However, since 1994, the ECJ appears to be more reluctant to act as a “law-maker.”5 The recent judgment in Unión de Pequeños Agricultores (UPA)6 – an important decision by which the ECJ refused to liberalize individuals’ access to the Community Courts – is also interesting in this context. UPA may be seen as another proof of judicial restraint - or even as indicator of the beginning of a new phase in the “constitutional dialogue” between the ECJ and the “Masters of the Treaties.”