Guiding public protest: assessing the propaganda model of China’s hybrid newspaper industry

This dissertation presents an account and analysis of published mainland Chinese media coverage surrounding three major events of public protest during the Hu-Wen era (2003-2013). The research makes a qualitative analysis of printed material drawn from a range of news outlets, differentiated by their specific political and commercial affiliations. The goal of the research is to better understand the role of mainstream media in social conflict resolution, a hitherto under-studied area, and to identify gradations within the ostensibly monolithic mainland Chinese media on issues of political sensitivity. China’s modern media formation displays certain characteristics of Anglophone media at its hyper-commercialised, populist core. However, the Chinese state retains an explicit, though often ambiguous, remit to engage with news production. Because of this, Chinese newspapers are often assumed to be one-dimensional propaganda ‘tools’ and, accordingly, easily dismissed from analyses of public protest. This research finds that, in an area where political actors have rescinded their monopoly on communicative power, a result of both policy decisions and the rise of Internet-based media platforms, established purveyors of news have acquired greater latitude to report on hitherto sensitive episodes of conflict but do so under the burden of having to correctly guide public opinion. The thesis examines the discursive resources that are deployed in this task, as well as reporting patterns which are suggestive of a new propaganda approach to handling social conflict within public media. Beside the explicitly political nature of coverage of protest events, the study sheds lights on gradations within China’s complex, hybrid media landscape both in terms of institutional purpose and qualitative performance.

From Underground to Elite: Egyptian Bloggers before and after the 2011 Uprising

This research looks at how the shift in the status of Egyptian bloggers from underground dissident voices to mainstream political and media players affected the plurality they add to the public space for discourse in Egypt’s authoritarian settings. The role of the internet – and more recently social media and bloggers – in democratic transition has been studied by various media scholars since the introduction of the worldwide web and especially after the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings of 2011. But no work has been done to study how bringing those once-underground bloggers into the public and media spotlight affected the nature of the blogosphere and the bloggers themselves. Star bloggers were not only covered by the media after January 25th, 2011, they also started joining the media as column writers; a move that had various effects on them and the blogosphere but was never examined in media studies. The plurality the blogosphere adds to the Egyptian public space for discourse in light of those changes as well as in light of the financial and practical sustainability of blogging was hence never looked at in a context similar to Egypt’s. Guided by modified theories of the public sphere and theories of hegemony and manufacturing consent, I look at whether bloggers have been co-opted into the historical bloc in the process of renewing the social order and how this affects them and the online sphere. Also, guided by theories of power and media elites, I look at bloggers’ backgrounds to assess whether they come from power elites and are transforming into media elites, thus limiting the plurality of the online sphere. Finally, guided by theoretical works on institutionalizing and commercializing the internet, I look at how those shifts into mainstream affect the independence and freedom of the blogs and microblogs. The research uses a comparative study to assess how those changes affect prominent versus less prominent bloggers and compare their backgrounds. The study uses quantitative content analysis and framing analysis of chosen media outlets and interviews with bloggers, marketeers and media professionals. The findings trace an increase in media coverage of bloggers post January 25th, 2011, especially in the prominent bloggers category, and an overall positive framing of bloggers post the uprising. This led to the mainstreaming of bloggers into the media as well as public work, which had various implications on the freedom they had over their content and voice, both online and offline. It also points to a dramatic decrease in bloggers’ activity on their blogs in favour of mainstream and social media and due to star bloggers becoming more career-oriented and their failure to make blogs financially sustainable. The findings also indicate that more prominent bloggers seem to come from more elite backgrounds than others and enjoy luxuries that allow them the time, technology and security to post online. This research concludes that the shifts in bloggers’ status post-January 25th have limited the plurality they add to the discourse in Egypt.

Gender, Power and Political Speech: Women and Language in the 2015 UK General Election

Gender, Power and Political Speech explores the influence of gender on political speech by analyzing the performances of three female party leaders who took part in televised debates during the 2015 UK General Election campaign. The analysis considers similarities and differences between the women and their male colleagues, as well as between the women themselves; it also discusses the way gender - and its relationship to language - was taken up as an issue in media coverage of the campaign.

Headline Annual Report 2007

Headline is Ireland's national media monitoring programme, working to promote responsible and accurate coverage of mental health and suicide related issues within the Irish media. Headline aims to highlight mental health issues and address the stigma attached to emotional distress, suicidal behaviour and mental illness through the promotion of responsible media coverage.

Headline Annual Report 2008

Headline is Ireland's national media monitoring programme, working to promote responsible and accurate coverage of mental health and suicide related issues within the Irish media. Headline aims to highlight mental health issues and address the stigma attached to emotional distress, suicidal behaviour and mental illness through the promotion of responsible media coverage.

Headline Annual Report 2010

Headline is Ireland's national media monitoring programme, working to promote responsible and accurate coverage of mental health and suicide related issues within the Irish media. Headline aims to highlight mental health issues and address the stigma attached to emotional distress, suicidal behaviour and mental illness through the promotion of responsible media coverage.

Headline Annual Report 2011

Headline is Ireland's national media monitoring programme, working to promote responsible and accurate coverage of mental health and suicide related issues within the Irish media. Headline aims to highlight mental health issues and address the stigma attached to emotional distress, suicidal behaviour and mental illness through the promotion of responsible media coverage.

Headline Annual Report 2012

Headline is Ireland's national media monitoring programme, working to promote responsible and accurate coverage of mental health and suicide related issues within the Irish media. Headline aims to highlight mental health issues and address the stigma attached to emotional distress, suicidal behaviour and mental illness through the promotion of responsible media coverage.

Headline Annual Report 2013

Headline is Ireland's national media monitoring programme, working to promote responsible and accurate coverage of mental health and suicide related issues within the Irish media. Headline aims to highlight mental health issues and address the stigma attached to emotional distress, suicidal behaviour and mental illness through the promotion of responsible media coverage.

‘We report the world as it is, not as we want it to be’: Journalistic negotiation of news routines, roles and responsibilities when reporting on suicide

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-08

Imprensa brasileira no ocaso da belle époque

A Grande Guerra foi o acontecimento ápice de tensões acumuladas entre as potências da Europa ainda no começo da segunda década do século XX. O conflito deflagrado no verão de 1914 expandiu-se e envolveu nações de outros continentes, tornando-o mundial, com repercussões que extrapolaram os mais de quatro anos de batalhas oficiais – atualmente pode-se concluir que a Segunda Guerra Mundial nada mais foi do que a segunda parte de um conflito que não acabou de forma a contentar todos os países beligerantes. Entretanto, a Grande Guerra também demarcou o final de uma era conhecida como belle époque, um tempo que simbolicamente representava o apogeu cultural, econômico e social na Europa, inspirador do modelo civilizador em nações no novo mundo, inclusive no Brasil. Na Amazônia, sobretudo na capital do Estado do Pará, Belém, vivia-se ainda sob o imaginário da era da abundância provocada pela exportação da borracha nativa, cujo inicio ocorreu no final do século XIX e na primeira década do século passado. Nesse cenário, desenvolveu-se um jornalismo forte e muito sintonizado com as questões nacionais, regionais e de além-mar. Formado por intelectuais, políticos e escritores, o jornalismo paraense cobriu de forma sistemática os acontecimentos em torno da Grande Guerra, desde a morte do herdeiro do trono do Império Austro-húngaro, Francisco Ferdinando, até a paz ser selada. Com base neste panorâma, o objetivo desta investigação centra-se no esforço para compreender a natureza da cobertura jornalística dos jornais paraenses acerca da Primeira Guerra Mundial, tendo como objeto de análise três jornais diários que circulavam à época: Estado do Pará, Folha do Norte e A Tarde. Os dois primeiros eram jornais generalistas e de longo período de circulação. O terceiro foi um jornal vespertino, publicado entre setembro de 1915 e setembro de 1916, portanto, de caráter ocasional. Para alcançar esse objetivo, a metodologia usada compreende as análises quantitativa e qualitativa de conteúdo, conforme descrito por Sousa (2006). A primeira parte das análises centra-se em avaliar os dados relativos ao número de peças, de espaços dedicados ao tema da guerra, entre outros aspectos quantificáveis. Na segunda parte usou-se a análise qualitativa com base no estudo do diálogo establecido entre os aspectos da historiografia e os achados jornalísticos nos três jornais.

The Polish EU presidency in Polish press: Did we actually notice it?

The aim of this paper is to present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of the Polish print media. Sharing the codebook and procedures with an international team, we were able to gain a broad perspective on the media coverage of the first Polish EU presidency. In particular, we focused on: (1) the number of items covering events related to the presidency, (2) the prominence of the topic, (3) genres, (4) main topics, (5) authors of news, (6) authors of opinions, and (7) the way Polish journalists evaluated Poland’s performance during the EU presidency. The findings showed that although Polish print press reported the first Polish EU presidency, the topic’s prominence was not very high. Media organizations rather rarely presented the topic on the front page and they did not change their regular editorial policy. Most of the news items, as well as opinions and comments, were written by staff members. Furthermore, journalists seemed to be more interested in the opinions of national politicians, rather than experts. As a result, the framework of the coverage was predominantly domestic. Journalists working for daily newspapers focused mostly on providing news and their own interpretations of the reported events. On the contrary weekly magazines provided comments and interviews, but again, most of the opinions were expressed by their own journalists and editors.

Narratives great and small: neighbourhood change, place and identity in Notting Hill

The area of Notting Hill in west London has been subject to much media coverage in recent years, which, along with substantial gentrification, has given rise to an image of the area as the epitome of fashionable London. This study investigates the views of those marginal to gentrification and mediated representation on their feelings about the local area, its image and their changing neighbourhoods. Many participants in the research resented some of the more recent changes in Notting Hill and the area's representation in the media. However, in contrast to expectations, most of the more working-class respondents involved in the research did not articulate much emotional attachment to the area. They were more concerned with what might be termed the material aspects of life in Notting Hill: convenience, facilities, safety and so on. In contrast, the more middle-class respondents frequently spoke of their regret of the changes to the area, such as the loss of independent shops, and the reduction in diversity. Paradoxically, the loss of working-class landscapes seems a relatively middle-class worry. The symbolically important landscapes described by working-class respondents were related to more immediate, material issues, in which gentrification was only a relatively minor concern. The definitive version is available at www.blackwell-synergy.com

Ochrona prawa do prywatności a relacjonowanie przebiegu rozprawy głównej w polskim procesie karnym

Przedmiotem artykułu jest problem ochrony prawa do prywatności w polskim procesie karnym w kontekście relacjonowania przebiegu rozprawy głównej przez media. Analizie zostały poddane zarówno warunki dopuszczalności relacjonowania rozprawy, przedmiot ingerencji, jak i podmioty, których prawo do prywatności może być naruszone w toku relacjonowania rozprawy głównej przez media. Prawo do prywatności jest współcześnie chronione nie tylko przez normy prawa cywilnego, ale również przez prawo konstytucyjne, stąd obowiązek przestrzegania i poszanowania prawa do prywatności ciąży także na organach prowadzących postępowanie karne. Jak wynika z zamieszonych w artykule rozważań, możliwe jest pogodzenie pozornie sprzecznych celów procesu karnego z koniecznością poszanowania prawa do prywatności, a sfera prywatna jednostek podlega ochronie również w procesie karnym. Wśród zagrożeń dla efektywnej ochrony prawa od prywatności należy jednak wskazać brak sankcji za złamanie zakazu publikacji danych osobowych czy wizerunku, którego nie przewidują ani normy prawa karnego ani prawa prasowego.