Opportunities and challenges in developing a whole-of-government national food and nutrition policy: lessons from Australia's National Food Plan

OBJECTIVE: The present article tracks the development of the Australian National Food Plan as a 'whole of government' food policy that aimed to integrate elements of nutrition and sustainability alongside economic objectives. DESIGN: The article uses policy analysis to explore the processes of consultation and stakeholder involvement in the development of the National Food Plan, focusing on actors from the sectors of industry, civil society and government. Existing documentation and submissions to the Plan were used as data sources. Models of health policy analysis and policy streams were employed to analyse policy development processes. SETTING: Australia. SUBJECTS: Australian food policy stakeholders. RESULTS: The development of the Plan was influenced by powerful industry groups and stakeholder engagement by the lead ministry favoured the involvement of actors representing the food and agriculture industries. Public health nutrition and civil society relied on traditional methods of policy influence, and the public health nutrition movement failed to develop a unified cross-sector alliance, while the private sector engaged in different ways and presented a united front. The National Food Plan failed to deliver an integrated food policy for Australia. Nutrition and sustainability were effectively sidelined due to the focus on global food production and positioning Australia as a food 'superpower' that could take advantage of the anticipated 'dining boom' as incomes rose in the Asia-Pacific region. CONCLUSIONS: New forms of industry influence are emerging in the food policy arena and public health nutrition will need to adopt new approaches to influencing public policy.

Gambling advocacy: lessons from tobacco, alcohol and junk food

OBJECTIVE: To explore the attitudes and opinions of public health experts in gambling and related unhealthy commodity industries towards the tactics used by the gambling industry to prevent reform and the advocacy responses to these tactics. METHODS: In-depth interviews (30-60 minutes) with a convenience sample of 15 public health experts and stakeholders with a public health approach to gambling (n=10), or other unhealthy commodity industries (food, alcohol, tobacco, n=5). RESULTS: Participants described the influences of political lobbying and donations on public policy, and industry framing of problem gambling as an issue of personal responsibility. Industry funding of, and influence over, academic research was considered to be one of the most effective industry tactics to resist reform. Participants felt there was a need to build stronger coalitions and collaborations between independent academics, and to improve the utilisation of media to more effectively shift perceptions of gambling harm away from the individual and towards the product. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS: Gambling industry tactics are similar to the tactics of other unhealthy commodity industries. However, advocacy initiatives to counter these tactics in gambling are less developed than in other areas. The formation of national public health coalitions, as well as a strong evidence base regarding industry tactics, will help to strengthen advocacy initiatives.

The polictical economy informed lobbies

We analize a discrete type version of a common agency model with informed principals of Martimort and Moreira (2005) in the context of lobby games. We begin discussing issues related to the common values nature of the model, i.e.the agent cares directly about the principal’s utility function. With this feature the equilibrium of Martimort and Moreira (2005) is not valid. We argue in favor of one solution, although we are not able to fully characterize the equilibrium in this context. We then turn to an application: a modification of the Grossman and Helpman (1994) model of lobbying for tariff protection to incoporate assimetric information (but disconsidering the problem of common values) in the lobbies objective function. We show that the main results of the original model do not hold and that lobbies may behave less agressively towards the police maker when there is private information in the lobbies valuation for the tariffs.

On common agency with informed principals

This thesis consists of three chapters that have as unifying subject the frame-work of common agency with informed principals. The first two chapters analyze the economic effects of privately informed lobbying applied to tariff protection (Chapter 1) and to customs unions agreements (Chapter 2). The third chapter investigates the choice of retailing strutures when principals (the producers) are privately informed about their production costs. Chapter 1 analyzes how lobbying affects economic policy when the interest groups have private information. I assume that the competitiveness of producers are lobbies private information in a Grossman and Helpman (1994) lobby game. This allows us to analyze the e¤ects of information transmission within their model. I show that the information transmission generates two informational asymmetry problems in the political game. One refers to the cost of signaling the lobby's competitiveness to the policy maker and the other to the cost of screening the rival lobby's competitiveness from the policy maker. As an important consequence information transmission may improve welfare through the reduction of harmful lobbying activity. Chapter 2 uses the framework of chapter 1 to study a customs union agreement when governments are subject to the pressure of special interest groups that have better information about the competitiveness of the industries they represent. I focus on the agreement's effect on the structure of political influence. When join a customs union, the structure of political pressure changes and with privately informed lobbies, a new effect emerges: the governments can use the information they learn from the lobby of one country to extract rents from the lobbies of the other country. I call this the "information transmission effect". This effect enhances the governments'bargaining power in a customs union and makes lobbies demand less protection. Thus, I find that information transmission increases the welfare of the agreement and decreases tari¤s towards non-members. I also investigate the incentives for the creation of a customs union and find that information transmission makes such agreement more likely to be politically sustainable. Chapter 3 investigates the choice of retailing structure when the manufacturers are privately informed about their production costs. Two retailing structures are analyzed, one where each manufacturer chooses her own retailer (exclusive dealing) and another where the manufacturers choose the same retailer (common agency). It is shown that common agency mitigates downstream competition but gives the retailer bargaining power to extract informational rents from the manufacturers, while in exclusive dealing there is no downstream coordination but also there are no incentives problem in the contract between manufacture and retailer. A pre- liminary characterization of the choice of the retailing structure for the case of substitute goods shows that when the uncertainty about the cost increases relatively to the size of the market, exclusive dealing tends to be the chosen retailing structure. On the other hand, when the market is big relatively to the costs, common agency emerges as the retailing structure. This thesis has greatly benefited from the contribution of Professors Humberto Moreira and Thierry Verdier. It also benefited from the stimulating environment of the Toulouse School of Economics, where part of this work was developed during the year of 2007.

Advocacy das organizações da sociedade civil: um estudo comparativo entre Brasil e Estados Unidos

As organizações da sociedade civil e suas formas de atuação têm ganhado importância tanto na sociedade como nos estudos acadêmicos. Uma das suas formas de atuação que vem se destacando é o papel de influenciar políticas públicas, também conhecido por advocacy, advocacy em políticas públicas e lobbying, dependendo do contexto e país de análise. O significado de advocacy e como esse fenômeno se manifesta constituem o foco deste estudo exploratório que busca, por meio de revisão da literatura, de entrevistas em profundidade e estudos de casos, comparar a atuação de três organizações da sociedade civil: o Independent Sector nos Estados Unidos, o Grupo de Institutos, Fundações e Empresas (GIFE) e a Associação Brasileira de Organizações não Governamentais (ABONG) no Brasil. Essas organizações se caracterizam por ser associações que representam outras organizações da sociedade civil e fazem advocacy em políticas públicas como parte de sua estratégia. É analisado como ocorre esse advocacy e qual o papel dessa forma de atuação dentro de um contexto de democracia deliberativa que pressupõe a discussão, a deliberação por parte dos cidadãos na esfera pública, de assuntos de seu interesse, como a elaboração, a execução e o monitoramento de políticas públicas.

Aspectos cognitivos da formulação de estratégias políticas: um estudo de caso no setor de etanol brasileiro

Teorias consideradas mainstream em estratégia dão reduzida ênfase ao relacionamento entre empresas e governos. A importância desse relacionamento é fundamental, dado que a influência governamental pode ter papel determinante na lucratividade das empresas. A este campo de estudos das atividades das empresas na tentativa de moldar as políticas públicas denominou-se Corporate Political Activity (CPA) ou ainda estratégias políticas. A importância da atividade se traduz nos valores investidos pelas empresas nestas atividades, que tem apresentado crescimento. As despesas com lobbying nos Estados Unidos representaram US$ 3,3 bilhões em 2011, frente a US$ 1,7 bilhões em 2001. As contribuições totais de campanha no Brasil foram da ordem de R$ 3,7 bilhões em 2010, comparados a R$ 1,7 bilhões doados em 2006. Este trabalho trata da influência dos aspectos cognitivos na formação de estratégias políticas no setor sucroalcooleiro brasileiro. Utilizando-se as proposições da existência de comunidades cognitivas formadas a partir do esforço em interpretar desafios estratégicos, que por sua vez levam a criação de estruturas cognitivas compartilhadas (Porac e Thomas, 2002), explorou-se como estas estruturas cognitivas influenciam as escolhas em CPA (Hillman et al., 2004). Os resultados dão suporte à influência das estruturas cognitivas nas escolhas em CPA. A partir da definição das dimensões que compõe as estruturas cognitivas de cada uma das comunidades, demonstrou-se que as escolhas em CPA estavam ligadas a estas estruturas, e não puramente a decisões racionais e econômicas. Ao demonstrar suporte à influência cognitiva sobre as escolhas em CPA, este trabalho contribui para as discussões sobre os antecedentes “não estruturais” (ou como colocam Cook e Berry (1995) comportamentais) que afetam as escolhas em CPA.

Multiple equilibria and protectionism

In a nonnative approach, I analyze trade policies when the industrial sector genentes positive extemalities in production, and there are adjustments costs to changing production from one sector to the other. Protectionist trade policy can make workers intemalize the benetits from moving into the industrial sector, but it is a second best policy as it also causes consumption distortions. I show that if the govemment is able to fully commit to its tariff schedule for the future, the welfare maximizing policy is to maintain a positive tariff forever, even after all adjustment has already taken place . However, if the govemment is not able to commit at all, the only time consistent policy is zero tariff at any point in time. The time inconsistency of the full commitment policy is derived from the fact that in the model only production needs interference, and the production distortion is lagged one period with respect to the tariff wbile the consumption distortion is simultaneous to the tariff. In the intermediary case, i.e., when the government can commit for a limited period of time, the time consistent optimal tariff will be positive but lower than the "full commitment" tariff. This result indicates that some institutions that have always been considered pure sources of inefficiency, such as protectionist lobbying, may in fact be welfare improving in some cases!

Rent dissipation, political viability and the strategic adoption of free trade agreements

This paper studies the political viability of free trade agreements (FTAs). The key element of the analysis is the “rent dissipation” that these arrangements induce: by eliminating intra-bloc trade barriers, an FTA reduces the incentives of the local firms to lobby for higher external tariffs, thereby causing a reduction of the rents created in the lobbying process. The prospect of rent dissipation moderates the governments’ willingness to participate in FTAs; they will support only arrangements that are “substantially” welfare improving, and no FTA that reduces welfare. Rent dissipation also implies that the prospects of political turnover may create strategic reasons for the formation of FTAs. Specifically, a government facing a high enough probability of losing power may want to form a trade bloc simply to “tie the hands” of its successor. An FTA can affect the likelihood of political turnover as well. If the incumbent party has a known bias toward special interests, it may want to commit to less distortionary policies in order to reduce its electoral disadvantage; the rent dissipation effect ensures that an FTA can serve as the vehicle for such a commitment. In nascent/unstable democracies, the incumbent government can use a free trade agreement also to reduce the likelihood of a dictatorial takeover and to “consolidate” democracy – a finding that is consistent with the timing of numerous accessions to and formations of preferential arrangements.

All-pay auctions with endogenous asymmetries

We study N-bidders, asymmetric all-pay auctions under incomplete information. First, we solve for the equilibrium of a parametric model. Each bidder’s valuation is independently drawn from an uniform [0, αi] where the parameter αi may vary across bidders. In this game, asymmetries are exogenously given. Next, a two-stage game where asymmetries are endogenously generated is studied. At the first stage, each bidder chooses the level of an observable, costly, value-enhancing action. The second stage is the bidding sub-game, whose equilibrium is simply the equilibrium of the, previously analyzed, game with exogenous asymmetries. Finally, natural applications of the all pay-auction in the context of political lobbying are considered: the effects of excluding bidders, as well as, the impact of caps on bids.

O gás sob pressão: o mapeamento de stakeholders e o lobby no parlamento

Este estudo objetivou identificar os stakeholders que influenciam a agenda do gás de xisto no parlamento brasileiro. A pesquisa teve uma abordagem qualitativa, uma vez que não houve preocupação com os números e sim com a percepção dos entrevistados. Além disso, os dados coletados na pesquisa de campo foram interpretados e alinhados com o referencial teórico desse trabalho. Quanto à metodologia, foi classificada como exploratória, uma vez que ainda há pouco conhecimento sobre a influência de grupos de interesse no Congresso Nacional, do tipo pesquisa de campo e de estudo de caso por se tratar especificamente da exploração do gás de xisto. A coleta de dados foi feita por meio de entrevistas e da aplicação de questionário com um roteiro previamente estabelecido. Após a análise dos dados, concluiu-se que há duas correntes que atuam na agenda do gás de xisto. A primeira tem um posicionamento que preza pela precaução, ou seja, é necessário que se descubra os impactos da exploração da atividade no meio ambiente antes que se decida iniciar a exploração e a produção do gás de xisto. A segunda corrente defende a exploração desse gás não convencional como forma de reduzir os custos de produção e aumentar a competitividade do país. Foram identificados 39 stakeholders que influenciam o andamento do Projeto de Lei 6904/2013, que suspende a autorização e a exploração do gás de xisto por um período de cinco anos. Isso mostra que os grupos de interesse, uns mais poderosos que outros, têm papel importante na formulação de políticas públicas e, através do lobby, buscam influenciar os tomadores de decisão de acordo com os seus objetivos.

Comparison and analysis of corporate social responsibility (CSR) reports of the top five companies ranked on the 2013 CSR RepTrak

In the 1970s, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) was discussed by Nobel laureate Milton Friedman in his article “The Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits.” (Friedman, 1970). His view on CSR was contemptuous as he referred to it as “hypocritical window-dressing” a reflection of the view of Corporate America on CSR back then. For a long time short-term maximization of shareholder value was the only maxim for top management across industries and companies. Over the last decade, CSR has become a more important and relevant factor of a company’s reputation, shifting the discussion from whether CSR is necessary to how best CSR commitments should be done (Smith, 2003). Inevitably, companies do have an environmental, social and economic impact, thereby imposing social costs on current and future generations. In 2013, 50 of the world biggest companies have been responsible for 73 percent of the total carbon dioxide (CO2) emission (Global 500 Climate Change Report 2013). Post et al. (2002) refer to these social costs as a company’s need to retain its “license to operate”. In the late 1990s, CSR reporting was nearly unknown, which drastically changed during the last decade. Allen White, co-founder of the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), said that CSR reporting”… has evolved from the extraordinary to the exceptional to the expected” (Confino, 2013). In confirmation of this, virtually all of the world’s largest 250 companies report on CSR (93%) and reporting by now appears to be business standard (KPMG, 2013). CSR reports are a medium for transparency which may lead to an improved company reputation (Noked, 2013; Thorne et al, 2008; Wilburn and Wilburn, 2013). In addition, it may be used as part of an ongoing shareholder relations campaign, which may prevent shareholders from submitting Environmental and Social (E&S)1 proposals (Noked, 2013), based on an Ernst & Young report 1 The top five E&S proposal topic areas in 2013 were: 1. Political spending/ lobbying; 2. Environmental sustainability; 3. Corporate diversity/ EEO; 4.Labor/ human rights and 5. Animal testing/ animal welfare. Three groups of environmental sustainability proposal topics of sub-category number two (environmental sustainability) 6 2013, representing the largest category of shareholder proposals submitted. PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) even goes as far as to claim that CSR reports are “…becoming critical to a company’s credibility, transparency and endurance.” (PwC, 2013).

Sistemas de regulação do comércio internacional em confronto: o marco dos estados e o marco das transnacionais

This article revisits a past article by the authors in which they propose a new methodology for analyzing trade issues, cross-cutting through the three ―layers‖ of international trade regulation: so-called multisystem of trade regulation. In this text the authors include another approach to international trade regulation studies, proposing a better understanding of the influence of transnational enterprises in the shaping of modern internal trade. In this sense, the transnationals are not only influencing international trade regulation through lobbying in traditional fora (especially in plurilateral and preferential trade agreements), but they are also becoming sources of their own private regulations, particularly regarding private standards. In this sense, the study of international trade regulation must take into account the activities and interests of these indispensible actors, critically analyzing the differences between the regulatory logic of states against the one keen to transnationals

Utilização de soluções business-to-business (B2B) no segmento downstream da cadeia de suprimentos de uma distribuidora de combustíveis

The pursuit of competitive advantage is lobbying organizations to strategically plan the use of their material, human, technological and financial resources, so that it s possible to add value to the product, even when it is considered a commodity. The scenario for this planning should not be limited to the company in question, but cover an entire supply chain, which is composed of several organizations which have common goals of growth and sustainability of the market. They should form trade links, integrating the chains of individual values, in a perspective of value system. In this supply chain there is a flow of services, payments and information, as products well as. The training of these links can be supported by the adoption of a set of information technology, here called solutions business-to-business (B2B), which will be responsible for the production, storage and distribution of relevant information to business transactions between the companies involved. On this view, this thesis aims to describe the B2B solutions adopted in the downstream segment of the supply chain of a distributor of fuel and the nature of these technologies as well as their impact on the creation of value for business and optimization of the relationship between companies. This is a case study on a national distributor of fuels, from a model of research produced under the influence of theories of integrated logistics system and value of Michael Porter. The analyses came to the conclusion that information technology is perceived as an essential tool to the operation of all activities carried out by the company. Among them, at was also brought the key activities of integrated logistics: administration of applications, inventory management, management transport and customer services, which were highlighted in this study. It was also noticed that even these activities are, in principle, purely operational; they all had in the adoption of strategies for leadership in cost or differentiation, supported by B2B solutions identified, making it more conducive to business and direct customer, the clinic reseller of fuel, to obtain value and benefits of this market segment as competitive

The political economy of regional grants in Peru

Includes bibliography

Trade, environment and development: implications for Caribbean countries

Includes bibliography