913 resultados para Relatively Free Group
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A submission to the Joint Standing Committee on treaties
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Legal Context In the wake of the Copenhagen Accord 2009 and the Cancun Agreements 2010, a number of patent offices have introduced fast-track mechanisms to encourage patent applications in relation to clean technologies - such as those pertaining to hydrogen. However, patent offices will be under increasing pressure to ensure that the granted patents satisfy the requisite patent thresholds, as well as to identify and reject cases of fraud, hoaxes, scams, and swindles. Key Points This article examines the BlackLight litigation in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Patent Office, and considers how patent offices and courts deal with patent applications in respect of clean energy and perpetual motion machines. Practical Significance The capacity of patent offices to grant sound and reliable patents is critical to the credibility of the patent system, particularly in the context of the current focus upon promoting clean technologies.
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“If Hollywood could order intellectual property laws for Christmas, what would they look like? This is pretty close.” David Fewer “While European and American IP maximalists have pushed for TRIPS-Plus provisions in FTAs and bilateral agreements, they are now pushing for TRIPS-Plus-Plus protections in these various forums.” Susan Sell “ACTA is a threat to the future of a free and open Internet.” Alexander Furnas “Implementing the agreement could open a Pandora's box of potential human rights violations.” Amnesty International. “I will not take part in this masquerade.” Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament Executive Summary As an independent scholar and expert in intellectual property, I am of the view that the Australian Parliament should reject the adoption of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. I would take issue with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s rather partisan account of the negotiations, the consultations, and the outcomes associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. In my view, the negotiations were secretive and biased; the local consultations were sometimes farcical because of the lack of information about the draft texts of the agreement; and the final text of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 is not in the best interests of Australia, particularly given that it is a net importer of copyright works and trade mark goods and services. I would also express grave reservations about the quality of the rather pitiful National Interest Analysis – and the lack of any regulatory impact statement – associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The assertion that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 does not require legislative measures is questionable – especially given the United States Trade Representative has called the agreement ‘the highest-standard plurilateral agreement ever achieved concerning the enforcement of intellectual property rights.’ It is worthwhile reiterating that there has been much criticism of the secretive and partisan nature of the negotiations surrounding the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Sean Flynn summarizes these concerns: "The negotiation process for ACTA has been a case study in establishing the conditions for effective industry capture of a lawmaking process. Instead of using the relatively transparent and inclusive multilateral processes, ACTA was launched through a closed and secretive “‘club approach’ in which like-minded jurisdictions define enforcement ‘membership’ rules and then invite other countries to join, presumably via other trade agreements.” The most influential developing countries, including Brazil, India, China and Russia, were excluded. Likewise, a series of manoeuvres ensured that public knowledge about the specifics of the agreement and opportunities for input into the process were severely limited. Negotiations were held with mere hours notice to the public as to when and where they would be convened, often in countries half away around the world from where public interest groups are housed. Once there, all negotiation processes were closed to the public. Draft texts were not released before or after most negotiating rounds, and meetings with stakeholders took place only behind closed doors and off the record. A public release of draft text, in April 2010, was followed by no public or on-the-record meetings with negotiators." Moreover, it is disturbing that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 has been driven by ideology and faith, rather than by any evidence-based policy making Professor Duncan Matthews has raised significant questions about the quality of empirical evidence used to support the proposal of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011: ‘There are concerns that statements about levels of counterfeiting and piracy are based either on customs seizures, with the actual quantities of infringing goods in free circulation in any particular market largely unknown, or on estimated losses derived from industry surveys.’ It is particularly disturbing that, in spite of past criticism, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011, without engaging the Productivity Commission or the Treasury to do a proper economic analysis of the proposed treaty. Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament, quit his position, and said of the process: "I want to denounce in the strongest possible manner the entire process that led to the signature of this agreement: no inclusion of civil society organisations, a lack of transparency from the start of the negotiations, repeated postponing of the signature of the text without an explanation being ever given, exclusion of the EU Parliament's demands that were expressed on several occasions in our assembly. As rapporteur of this text, I have faced never-before-seen manoeuvres from the right wing of this Parliament to impose a rushed calendar before public opinion could be alerted, thus depriving the Parliament of its right to expression and of the tools at its disposal to convey citizens' legitimate demands.” Everyone knows the ACTA agreement is problematic, whether it is its impact on civil liberties, the way it makes Internet access providers liable, its consequences on generic drugs manufacturing, or how little protection it gives to our geographical indications. This agreement might have major consequences on citizens' lives, and still, everything is being done to prevent the European Parliament from having its say in this matter. That is why today, as I release this report for which I was in charge, I want to send a strong signal and alert the public opinion about this unacceptable situation. I will not take part in this masquerade." There have been parallel concerns about the process and substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the context of Australia. I have a number of concerns about the substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. First, I am concerned that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 fails to provide appropriate safeguards in respect of human rights, consumer protection, competition, and privacy laws. It is recommended that the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights investigate this treaty. Second, I argue that there is a lack of balance to the copyright measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences, and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations, and remedies. Third, I discuss trade mark law, intermediary liability, and counterfeiting. I express my concerns, in this context, that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy, and innovation in the digital economy. I also note, with concern, the lobbying by tobacco industries for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – and the lack of any recognition in the treaty for the capacity of countries to take measures of tobacco control under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Fourth, I note that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 provides no positive obligations to promote access to essential medicines. It is particularly lamentable that Australia and the United States of America have failed to implement the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health 2001 and the WTO General Council Decision 2003. Fifth, I express concerns about the border measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Such measures lack balance – and unduly favour the interests of intellectual property owners over consumers, importers, and exporters. Moreover, such measures will be costly, as they involve shifting the burden of intellectual property enforcement to customs and border authorities. Interdicting, seizing, and destroying goods may also raise significant trade issues. Finally, I express concern that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 undermines the role of existing international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the World Trade Organization, and subverts international initiatives such as the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. I also question the raison d'être, independence, transparency, and accountability of the proposed new ‘ACTA Committee’. In this context, I am concerned by the shift in the position of the Labor Party in its approach to international treaty-making in relation to intellectual property. The Australian Parliament adopted the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, which included a large Chapter on intellectual property. The treaty was a ‘TRIPs-Plus’ agreement, because the obligations were much more extensive and prescriptive than those required under the multilateral framework established by the TRIPS Agreement 1994. During the debate over the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Party expressed the view that it would seek to mitigate the effects of the TRIPS-Plus Agreement, when at such time it gained power. Far from seeking to ameliorate the effects of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Government would seek to lock Australia into a TRIPS-Double Plus Agreement – the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. There has not been a clear political explanation for this change in approach to international intellectual property. For both reasons of process and substance, I conclude that the Australian Parliament and the Australian Government should reject the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The Australian Government would do better to endorse the Washington Declaration on Intellectual Property and the Public Interest 2011, and implement its outstanding obligations in respect of access to knowledge, access to essential medicines, and the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. The case study of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 highlights the need for further reforms to the process by which Australia engages in international treaty-making.
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On the 5th December 2013, Australia and Korea announced that they had finalised a new free trade agreement. Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? It is hard to tell, because the respective governments have not yet published the text of the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). There has been much debate in the Australian Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; and the impact of the investment chapter, with an investor-state dispute settlement clause. KAFTA foreshadows the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
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Australia and South Korea have signed a new free trade agreement - the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? Or somewhere in between? It is hard to tell, given the initial secrecy of the negotiations, and the complexity of the texts of the agreement There has been much debate in Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; the impact of the investment chapter, with its investor-state dispute settlement clause; the intellectual property chapter; the environment chapter; its impact upon public health; and the labor rights chapter. KAFTA provides an indication of the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
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Background: Body mass index (BMI) is widely used as a measure of adiposity. However, currently used cut-off values are not sensitive in diagnosing obesity in South Asian populations. Aim: To define BMI and waist circumference (WC), cut-off values representing percentage fat mass (%FM) associated with adverse health outcomes. Subjects and methods: A cross-sectional descriptive study of 285 5–14 year old Sri Lankan children (56% boys) was carried out. Fat mass (FM) was assessed using the isotope (D2O) dilution technique based on 2C body composition model. BMI and WC cut-off values were defined based on %FM associated with adverse health outcomes. Results: Sri Lankan children had a low fat free mass index (FFMI) and a high fat mass index (FMI). Individuals with the same BMI had %FM distributed over a wide range. Lean body tissue grew very little with advancing age and weight gain was mainly due to increases in body fat. BMI corresponding to 25% in males and 35% in females at 18 years was 19.2 kg/m2 and 19.7 kg/m2, respectively. WC cut-off values for males and females were 68.4 cm and 70.4 cm, respectively. Conclusion: This chart analysis clearly confirms that Sri Lankan children have a high %FM from a young age. With age, more changes occur in FM than in fat free mass (FFM). Although the newly defined BMI and WC cut-off values appear to be quite low, they are comparable to some recent data obtained in similar populations.
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The topography of the free energy landscape in phase space of a dense hard-sphere system characterized by a discretized free energy functional of the Ramakishnan-Yussouff form is investigated numerically using a specially devised Monte Carlo procedure. We locate a considerable number of glassy local minima of the free energy and analyze the distributions of the free energy at a minimum and an appropriately defined phase-space "distance" between different minima. We find evidence for the existence of pairs of closely related glassy minima("two-level systems"). We also investigate the way the system makes transitions as it moves from the basin of attraction of a minimum to that of another one after a start under nonequilibrium conditions. This allows us to determine the effective height of free energy barriers that separate a glassy minimum from the others. The dependence of the height of free energy barriers on the density is investigated in detail. The general appearance of the free energy landscape resembles that of a putting green: relatively deep minima separated by a fairly flat structure. We discuss the connection of our results with the Vogel-Fulcher law and relate our observations to other work on the glass transition.
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The Pedagogical Self: a narrative study of stories by prospective subject teachers of Swedish The aim of this study is to examine how prospective subject teachers of Swedish experience themselves, their lives and their studies in university context. By answering this question I try to shed light on the pedagogical self of the students, i.e. to reach a deeper understanding of the narrative construction of their teacher identity. My material consists of stories written by one group of students and of transcribed interviews with another group of students at Nordica. All these students have entered both the teacher education programme and studies in their major subject simultaneously, through the so called direct admission. My study focuses on the students first year at the university. I define teacher identity, the pedagogical self, as the part of an individual s self-concept where he/she makes an assessment of himself/herself as a teacher(-to-be). The frame of reference of this interdisciplinary narrative study is founded on phenomenology, hermeneutics, social constructionism and dialogism. The main analysis of the stories is thematic, with the addition of linguistic and metaphorical analysis. With reference to the theories of Paul Ricoeur and Katharine Young, I regard the textual world of the stories as a world of its own. This implies that the researcher can feel free to concentrate on the texts, thus being able to leave the mental processes of the writers disregarded. The theoretician that has influenced my research the most is Max van Manen. He combines a pedagogical attitude with a phenomenological-hermeneutic philosophy. My research results imply that most of these students are drawn to studying Swedish by the clear professional orientation of the studies; their identity as teachers seems to be stronger than their identity as language teachers. The image of a teacher is relatively traditional: a teacher is seen as a self-evident authority, but at the same time as a fostering educator. The students see their studies in a larger perspective: studies as well as the future profession are only one part of life, albeit an important one. Keywords: narrativity, teacher identity
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- Introduction Research identifies truck drivers as being at high risk of chronic disease. For most truck drivers their workplace is their vehicle. Truck drivers’ health is impacted by the limitations of this unique working environment, including reduced opportunities for physical activity and the intake of healthy foods. Workplaces are widely recognised as effective platforms for health promotion. However, the effectiveness of traditional and contemporary health promotion interventions in truck drivers’ novel workplace is unknown. - Methods This project worked with six transport industry workplaces in Queensland, Australia over a two-year period. Researchers used Participatory Action Research (PAR) processes to engage truck drivers and workplace managers in the implementation and evaluation of six workplace health promotion interventions. These interventions were designed to support truck drivers to increase their physical activity and access to healthy foods at work. They included traditional health promotion interventions such as a free fruit initiative, a ten thousand steps challenge, personal health messages and workplace posters, and a contemporary social media intervention. Participants were engaged via focus groups, interviews and mixed-methods surveys. - Results The project achieved positive changes in truck drivers’ health knowledge and health behaviours, particularly related to nutrition. There were positive changes in truck drivers’ self-reported health rating, body mass index (BMI) and readiness to make health-related lifestyle changes. There were also positive changes in truck drivers reporting their workplace as a key source of health information. These changes were underpinned by a positive shift in the culture of participating workplaces. Truck drivers’ perceptions of their workplace valuing, encouraging, modelling and facilitating healthy nutrition and physical activity behaviours improved. PAR processes enabled researchers to develop relationships with workplace managers, contextualise interventions and deliver rigorous outcomes. Despite the novelty of truck drivers’ mobile workplace, traditional health promotion interventions were more effective than contemporary ones. - Conclusion In this workplace health promotion project targeting a ‘hard-to-reach’ group of truck drivers, a combination of well-designed traditional workplace interventions and the PAR process resulted in positive health outcomes.
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Metabolism of linalyl acetate by Pseudomonas incognita isolated by enrichment culture on the acyclic monoterpene alcohol linalool was studied. Biodegradation of linalyl acetate by this strain resulted in the formation of linalool, linalool- 8-carboxylic acid, oleuropeic acid, and A5-4-acetoxy-4-methyl hexenoic acid. Cells adapted to linalyl acetate metabolized linalyl acetate-8-aldehyde to linalool- 8-carboxylic acid, linalyl acetate-8-carboxylic acid, A5-4-acetoxy-4-methyl hexenoic acid, and geraniol-8-carboxylic acid. Resting cell suspensions previously grown with linalyl acetate oxidized linalyl acetate-8-aldehyde to linalyl acetate-8- carboxylic acid, A5-4-acetoxy-4-methyl hexenoic acid, and pyruvic acid. The crude cell-free extract (10,000 g of supernatant), obtained from the sonicate of linalyl acetate-grown cells, was shown to contain enzyme systems responsible for the formation of linalyl acetate-8-carboxylic acid and linalool-8-carboxylic acid from linalyl acetate. The same supernatant contained NAD-linked alcohol and aldehyde dehydrogenases involved in the formation of linalyl acetate-8-aldehyde and linalyl acetate-8-carboxylic acid, respectively. On the basis of various metabolites isolated from the culture medium, resting cell experiments, growth and manometric studies carried out with the isolated metabolites as well as related synthetic analogs, and the preliminary enzymatic studies performed with the cellfree extract, a probable pathway for the microbial degradation of linalyl acetate with the acetoxy group intact is suggested.
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In this presentation, I reflect upon the global landscape surrounding the governance and classification of media content, at a time of rapid change in media platforms and services for content production and distribution, and contested cultural and social norms. I discuss the tensions and contradictions arising in the relationship between national, regional and global dimensions of media content distribution, as well as the changing relationships between state and non-state actors. These issues will be explored through consideration of issues such as: recent debates over film censorship; the review of the National Classification Scheme conducted by the Australian Law Reform Commission; online controversies such as the future of the Reddit social media site; and videos posted online by the militant group ISIS.
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Lead (Pb) poisoning of cattle has been relatively common in Australia and sump oil has been identified as an important cause of Pb toxicity for cattle because they seem to have a tendency to drink it. Lead-free petrol has been available in Australia since 1975, so the aim of this study was to assess the current risk to cattle from drinking used automotive oils. Sump or gear box oil was collected from 56 vehicles being serviced. The low levels of Pb found suggest that the removal of leaded petrol from the Australian market as a public health measure has benefited cattle by eliminating the risk of acute poisoning from used engine oil.
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Let X be a normal projective threefold over a field of characteristic zero and vertical bar L vertical bar be a base-point free, ample linear system on X. Under suitable hypotheses on (X, vertical bar L vertical bar), we prove that for a very general member Y is an element of vertical bar L vertical bar, the restriction map on divisor class groups Cl(X) -> Cl(Y) is an isomorphism. In particular, we are able to recover the classical Noether-Lefschetz theorem, that a very general hypersurface X subset of P-C(3) of degree >= 4 has Pic(X) congruent to Z.