951 resultados para Police in Boston.
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Half-title: Right and wrong in Boston.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Evans 22265
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At head of title: View of the Trinity.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Continued in Boston. School committee Documents
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"An appeal on behalf of the Oberlin institute": p. [v]-xix.
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In the wake of this decade's corporate scandals, crimes and excesses, improving the effectiveness of corporate governance in the United States has become a priority. An important influence on a board's effectiveness at monitoring is its members’ degree of independence from senior management. While the current definition of independence revolves around the absence of familial and economic connections between a firm and its directors, research suggests that this standard may be inadequate in ensuring independent oversight. Rather, diversity along racial, gender and other dimensions has been proposed as a potentially more effective standard for board independence. This is especially welcome news for women, who currently comprise 51 per cent of the US managerial workforce but only 14.8 per cent of the directors on boards of large, publicly traded US corporations. Some explain the current dearth of women board members by claiming that there are no qualified women available for board service and/or that women are not interested in board service. However, there is more anecdotal rather than empirical evidence on the issue. Surveying women at a women's leadership conference in Boston, this research investigates the extent to which women are currently involved in some type of board service and the extent to which women aspire to future board service. We find that women are currently more active in governance activities than prior research on corporate boards suggests and that they aspire to play a continued and expanded role in governance activities.
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Faced with the violence, criminality and insecurity now threatening peace and democratic governance in Central America, the region’s governments have decided to use the Armed Forces to carry out actions in response to criminal actions, looking to improve their performance. Although public demand for including the Armed Forces in these functions takes place within a legally legitimate framework, it is motivated by tangible circumstances such as increased levels of violence, delinquency and crime. Despite being coupled with the perception of institutional weakness within the security and judicial system (particularly police) and the recognition of prestige, efficiency, discipline and severity in fulfilling the Armed Forces’ missions, these arguments are insufficient to legitimize the use of the military as a police force. Within this context, this paper reflects on the implications or consequences of the use of the Armed Forces in duties traditionally assigned to the police in the Central American region with the goal of contributing to the debate on this topic taking place in the Americas. To achieve this end, first we will focus on understanding the actual context in which a decision is made to involve the Armed Forces in security duties in the region. Second, we will examine the effects and implications of this decision on the Armed Forces’ relations within their respective societies. Third and finally, considering this is already a reality in the region, this paper will provide recommendations. The main findings of this research, resulting from the application of an analyticaldescriptive and historically based study, are organized in three dimensions: the political dimension, by implication referring to the relationship between the ultimate political authority and the Armed Forces; the social dimension, by implication the opinion of citizens; and other implications not only affecting the structural and cultural organization of armies and police but also the complementary operational framework within a context of comprehensive response by the State. As a main conclusion, it poses there is an environment conducive to the use of the Armed Forces in citizen’s security, in view of the impact of threats provoked by criminal structures of a military nature currently operating in Central America. However, this participation creates an inevitable social and political impact if implemented in isolation or given a political leading role and/or operational autonomy. This participation poses risks to the institutions of the Armed Forces and the police as well. Finally, this paper identifies an urgent need for the Armed Forces’ role to be more clearly defined with regard to security matters, limiting it to threats that impact States’ governability and existence. Nonetheless, Central American States should seek a COMPREHENSIVE response to current crime and violence, using all necessary institutions to confront these challenges, but with defined roles and responsibilities for each and dynamic coordination to complement their actions.
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The intention of this article is to provide a structural and operational analysis of policing beyond the police in Northern Ireland. While the polity enjoys low levels of ‘officially’ recorded crime as part of its post-conflict status, little empirical analysis exists as to the epistemological roots of security production outside that of the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The empirical evidence presented seeks to establish that beyond more prominent analyses related to paramilitary ‘policing’, the country is in fact replete with a substantial reservoir of legitimate civil society policing – the collective mass of which contributes to policing, community safety and quality of life issues. While such non-state policing at the level of locale was recognised by the Independent Commission for Policing, structured understandings have rarely permeated governmental or academic discourse beyond anecdotal contentions. Thus, the present argument provides an empirical assessment of the complex, non-state policing landscape beyond the formal state apparatus; examines definitions and structures of such community-based policing activities; and explores issues related to co-opting this non-state security ‘otherness’ into more formal relations with the state.
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The traditional social “contract” in the UK mainland between the public and the police involves the ideal of an unarmed police service. In recent years while the public have accepted the more visible role of specialist armed officers on security duties in airports and strategic positions, the majority of officers remain unarmed. Following 7/7 in London and the Derrick Bird case in Cumbria there have been media calls for more police officers to be armed on a routine basis .This would fundamentally change the social contract and the relationship with the British public. The principle of policing by consent and the idea of the citizen in uniform are the fundamental tenets of British policing .Historically the only forces in the UK which are routinely armed are the Police Service of Northern Ireland in Northern Ireland, the Ministry of Defence Police and the Civil Nuclear Constabulary. In contrast all major police forces in Europe, as well as the US, Canada and Australia routinely carry firearms, the exceptions apart from Britain, are the Irish Republic, and New Zealand. In Norway officers carry arms in their cars but not on their person. Every time unarmed police officers are killed, as with the tragic case of Nicola Hughes and Fiona Bone killed in the line of duty in Manchester in 2013, the question of arming the British Police is raised.So does the current balance protect the public and safeguard officers or does it fail to satisfy either. Is the current balance between unarmed and armed police in the UK suitable for the 21st Century? There appears to be competing agendas for the Police to contend with. These have been illustrated by recent controversy in Scotland about a standing authority which allowed a small number of officers to carry guns while on routine patrol .Politicians and community leaders attacked the nationwide roll-out of officers with a standing authority to carry guns on routine patrols since the formation of Scotland’s single police force. The Forces armed police monitoring group recommended keeping the standing authority in place after it was given intelligence on serious organised crime groups in 2014.The Inspectorate of Constabulary in Scotland (HMICS) in its review of the authority (2014) said the operational need for the authority is justified by national intelligence and threat levels.
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RESUMO - O presente estudo situa-se nas áreas gerais da Saúde Pública, dos Sistemas de Saúde e do Acesso à Prestação de Cuidados de Saúde e procura analisar o conteúdo e concretização do Direito de Acesso a Cuidados de Saúde na perspectiva de dois sistemas de saúde paradigmaticamente distintos, um sistema de acesso universal, representado pelo Serviço Nacional de Saúde português e um sistema de saúde de “não universal”, cujo paradigma é o modelo existente nos Estados Unidos da América, onde entidades gestoras de cuidados, Managed Care Organizations, são chamadas a desempenhar um papel central no acesso e prestação de cuidados de saúde. O vasto campo de investigação representado pela problemática do acesso a cuidados de saúde e a necessidade de limitar o trabalho de investigação subjazem à definição de quatro vertentes a analisar: (a) a existência ou não de uma base legal que preveja e regule o exercício do direito de acesso a cuidados de saúde; (b) o conteúdo deste direito no âmbito de cada um dos sistemas em estudo; (c) as condições de concretização do acesso a cuidados de saúde em ambos os sistemas, e, por último (d) a existência de garantias de efectivação do mesmo. Analisados os sistemas em estudo à luz das vertentes apresentadas, concluímos que a existência de um quadro normativo próprio, que explicite o conteúdo e condições de efectivação do direito, apresenta maiores garantias de concretização do exercício do Direito de Acesso a Cuidados de Saúde, entendendo-se que um sistema de acesso dependente da actuação de entidades gestoras de cuidados não beneficia o acesso a cuidados de saúde, nomeadamente por não garantir equidade no momento de procura e necessidade de cuidados. Os dados apresentados foram recolhidos através do recurso a uma metodologia qualitativa. A análise documental foi aplicada na recolha dos dados relativos à evolução e caracterização dos sistemas, bem como às condições de acesso. No âmbito do sistema de saúde de acesso universal, ou seja, o caso português, procedeu-se essencialmente à análise dos normativos aplicáveis. No que se refere ao sistema de saúde norte-americano, na ausência de base legal aplicável, recorreu-se sobretudo à análise de literatura e documentos. A participação no vi Second Biennal Seminar in Law and Bioethics1 e na 30th Annual Health Law Professors Conference2, realizados em Bóston, EUA, em Julho de 2007, permitiram uma melhor percepção da actual situação da prestação de cuidados naquele País, nomeadamente de algumas das reformas em curso, bem como um melhor entendimento das características do sistema prestador norte-americano em si mesmo. 1 Seminário organizado nos dias 30 e 31 de Maio, numa colaboração entre a Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública e o Departamento de Direito da saúde, Bioética e Direitos Humanos da Escola de Saúde Pública da Universidade de Bóston, sob o tema: “Law and ethics in rationing Access to care in a high-cost global economy”. A nossa participação deveu-se a um convite da Prof.ª Paula Lobato de Faria para colaborar na sessão sobre o sistema de saúde português. 2 Reunião realizada em Bóston nos dias 31 de Maio a 2 de Junho, sobretudo a sessão dedicada ao tema “New Models for Reform”, sobre os novos modelos de sistema de saúde em desenvolvimento nos EUA.
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This master dissertation is to bring a contribution to the reflection on the need to strengthen cross-border cooperation, among the various entities applying the law with a view to building a European security culture through police training. On this basis, it proposes a reflection on the new security paradigm, focused on the demanding and informed security needs by the citizen due to an increasingly transnational crime throughout the different States. This development, coupled with globalization itself, led to the definition of strategies to gear the work of the police in preventing and combating new criminal phenomena such as the European Internal Security Strategy. However, without a true safety culture, which fosters trust among the various actors and ensures a coordinated and uniform action of the police, it will not be easy to achieve the desired effectiveness in protecting the fundamental rights that underpin European integration. Against this background, attempts to explain that the implementation of a common European training program for the police (LETS) is the way forward, with a view to a more effective security in the Union, based on values that embody a genuine European security culture, coveted by all, based on an idea of governance held at different levels of intervention, European, regional and national levels.
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The challenge of this work is to assess the importance of the municipal police in improving the safety of citizens, if gauging from this reality through contributions from the Municipal Police Guimarães. The IV Constitutional Review in 1997, enabled the Portuguese municipalities creating administrative police bodies. These services, known as Municipal Police, have gradually come up in several municipalities. Currently the Municipal Police have their fundamental legal regulations of Law No. 19/2004 of 20 May, which, according to the Portuguese Constitution provides that these must be seen as municipal services, which act in a space territorially delimited, which corresponds to the municipality that each belongs. Under Article 237, paragraph 3, of the Constitution, the Municipal Police are municipal services, which shall cooperate in the maintenance of public order and protection of local communities, acting in cooperation with the security forces, public security functions. The safety concept has been taking an increasingly significant importance within the population. Is also no doubt say that, currently, insecurity affects all of society and is a major concern of law enforcement authorities. To find suitable answers we found that there are several studies on these subjects. In order to be able to make our contribution, text looks us on this subject, having had the support of the Municipal Police Guimarães, in the preparation of this work. Thus, based on a survey, they were sounded out, as privileged actors, agents of the Municipal Police Guimarães, in order to know their perceptions with regard to security issues faced in the context of security. We understand ask them to answer in particular the following questions: What are the most facilitators situations of crime? How important is the Municipal Police Guimarães in crime prevention? What are the strategies for prevention of incivilities? What other skills that can be conferred upon the Municipal Police? The results obtained allowed us to conclude that incivilities facilitate the occurrence of crimes and that the Municipal Police may have a more active role in the security of the population. If you were given other duties, in addition to that already have, the Municipal Police could reach another level of effectiveness. However we understand that any change to the tasks of this police need a serious and profound reflection, to find complementary alternatives with the security forces, which does not conflict with current assignments of any of the parties or with the interests of citizens.
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Relatório de atividade profissional de mestrado em Direito Judiciário