Muslime in Ruanda – von Marginalisierung zu Integration /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 74

Zwischen April und Juni 1994 wurden in dem kleinen zentralafrikanischen Land Ruanda ca. 800.000 Menschen ermordet worden. Die Mehrzahl der Opfer waren Tutsi, aber auch viele Hutu verloren ihr Leben. Nahezu jede internationale und nationale Organisation versagte im Angesicht des Ausmaßes der Tragödie. Auch die in Ruanda sehr einflussreiche katholische Kirche konnte oder wollte die Massaker nicht beenden. Einzig die in der ruandischen Geschichte bis zum Genozid immer marginalisierten Muslime verweigerten in der Mehrzahl eine Teilnahme an den Massakern. Warum es zu diesem Verhalten kam, steht als Ausgangsfrage zu Beginn der Untersuchung. Im Folgenden gliedert sich die Arbeit in drei Teile – Geschichte des Islam bis 1994, Verhalten der Muslime im Völkermord von 1994 und die Veränderungen in den zehn Jahren nach dem Genozid. Die Arbeit, welche sich auf die Ergebnisse einer zweimonatigen Feldforschung und einige ältere Arbeiten zum Thema stützt, macht deutlich, dass die Geschichte der ruandischen Muslime bis 1994 durch eine kontinuierliche Marginalisierung gekennzeichnet war. Als nach dem Völkermord das außergewöhnliche Verhalten der ruandischen Muslime langsam deutlich wurde, änderte sich bei vielen Menschen und auch bei offiziellen Stellen auch die Einstellung gegenüber Muslimen.

Repression, Anpassung, Neuorientierung: Islamische Bildung im sowjetischen und post- sowjetischen Raum

How did Islam survive in the Soviet Union, and how did it develop since 1991? In four case studies and four longitudinal surveys, senior specialists from the area and two German junior scholars discuss the transformations of Islam in Tatarstan, Azerbaijan, Daghestan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Several chapters analyze the Bolsheviks’ attack on Islam since the 1920s. Altay Göyüşov and Il’nur Minnullin demonstrate how the Soviets first attempted to draw some groups of Muslim scholars and intellectuals to their side, in Azerbaijan and Tatarstan, respectively. In the early 1930s collectivization and outright state terror made a complete end to the Islamic infrastructure, including mosques and pious foundations, Muslim village courts (as shown by Vladimir Bobrovnikov for Dagestan), Islamic educational institutions (as documented by Aširbek Muminov for Uzbekistan), as well as the Muslim press (analyzed by Dilyara Usmanova for Tatarstan); also Sufi brotherhoods became a main target of violent repression (Šamil‘ Šixaliev, for Dagestan). Repression was followed by the establishment of a modus vivendi between state and religion in the post-war period (Muminov, Bobrovnikov, Šixaliev), and by the instrumentalization of religion for patriotic purposes in the post-Soviet Caucasus and Central Asia (Christine Hunner-Kreisel, Manja Stephan, both based on fieldwork). By the early 2000s Islam was almost everywhere back under full state control; the leading role of the state for defining „good“ and „bad“ Islam is largely taken for granted. While similar forms of state pressure in all regions thus allow us to draw an overall picture of how Islamic traditions were repressed and reanimated, the „archival revolution“ of the early 1990s provides fascinating insights into the specific developments in the individual regions, and into the adaptation strategies of the Muslim scholars and intellectuals on the spot. Still, the Soviet heritage is still very palpable; also the attempts to leapfrog the Soviet period and to link up again with the individual local Islamic traditions from before 1917, and even the negation of the Soviet experience in the form of embracing Islamic trends from abroad, are often still couched in largely Soviet mental frameworks.

Troublesome Issues: Current Debates on Tensions between Gender Equality and Cultural Diversity in Austria

This paper will first deal with the legal and social situation of Islam and Muslims in Austria and then turn to particular “troublesome issues” at the intersection of gender equality and ethnic/religious diversity. The public debate on Muslims particularly focuses on the notion “not willing to integrate” and in the assumption of “parallel societies”. Hierarchical gender relations and “harmful traditions” such as veiling, female genital cutting, forced marriage and honour based violence recently became the centre of attention. We will show that the Austrian debate on these issues is shaped by the idea of “dangerous cultural difference” as something coming from outside and being concentrated in segregated Muslim enclaves. Despite the public authorities’ rejection of the idea that Islam was responsible for “harmful traditions”, legal as well as political measures in Austria not only combat violence against women but also fuel “cultural anxieties” between different ethnic and religious groups.