285 resultados para Imprisonment


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A Ilha Anchieta está localizada no litoral norte do Estado de São Paulo, no município de Ubatuba. Um importante sítio que apresenta em seu passado a presença de uma prisão, que perpassou múltiplas formas de encarceramento entre 1908-1955. O escopo da presente dissertação restringe-se ao período entre 1942-1955, quando era denominada Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta (ICIA), tendo como momento de inflexão e reflexão uma grande rebelião prisional ocorrida em 20 de junho de 1952. A partir das pesquisas etnográfica, documental e bibliográfica realizadas, procurei entender, principalmente, como eram organizadas as redes de sociabilidade entre militares, funcionários civis, mulheres, crianças e os indivíduos privados da liberdade, que lá se encontravam encarcerados e ilhados. Durante o percurso historiográfico e micro sociológico, as relações foram sendo reveladas no plano das práticas cotidianas em escalas e perspectivas distintas, mas congruentes, que passaram a ser descritas, revelando uma intrincada malha de sociabilidade que misturava interesses e agentes variados, uma minuciosa trama de conflitos e dinâmicas sociais. O que está em voga são as fronteiras que operam nos momentos de interação social, subdivididas em cotidiano e rebelião, de como as dinâmicas sociais de um sujeito denominado Ilha Anchieta operam com a população residente e observar, principalmente, a dicotomia entre margens e Estado. A pesquisa permitiu ver como os indivíduos e as categorias operavam tanto no cotidiano, quanto no momento de evento crítico, de rebelião, levando-me a afirmar que, em momentos de ruptura, há um deslaçamento das dinâmicas previamente construídas para, no momento da ruptura, os indivíduos retornarem discursiva e praticamente às suas esferas categóricas de pertencimento, levando-me a crer que é no cotidiano e nas dinâmicas do dia a dia que as formas de nomeação e conceitualização, usualmente marginalizadas, entrelaçam-se tanto para dentro, como para fora do Estado. Desse choque surgem possibilidades de análise dos conflitos, contextos políticos e seus desdobramentos na história do sistema prisional paulista.

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A partir de um estudo etnográfico, pretendemos investigar as representações sobre a gravidez e a maternidade em mulheres que são mães durante o cumprimento da pena na Penitenciária Talavera Bruce, no Rio de Janeiro. Estas mães, que convivem com seus filhos durante seis meses, têm os vínculos interrompidos após o período de amamentação. Todavia, os presídios não são designados para propiciar o vínculo familiar, pois, se pensarmos as prisões como instituições cujas práticas ocorrem à margem da lei e, mais do que isso, que geram atributos estigmatizantes aos sentenciados, é evidente que a presença dessas crianças produz um conflito entre o direito das mesmas ao convívio familiar e as funções punitivas das prisões.

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No final do século XX, observamos a restruturação produtiva do capital sob a concepção neoliberal. As transformações econômicas impactariam a estrutura do Estado, o modo de controle social, bem como a função do cárcere na sociedade. A hipertrofia do Estado penal ganha novos agravantes com a política de guerra às drogas, declarada pelos EUA na década de 1970. A combinação destes ingredientes impactaram a forma de vigiar e punir a classe trabalhadora no Brasil, com o aumento da repressão e criminalização da pobreza. As heranças históricas de desigualdade social e racial agravam o controle sobre as classes perigosas. A violência urbana torna-se uma verdadeira questão social com a crescente militarização da política de segurança pública do Rio de Janeiro, em particular. Todas estas questões nos levam a pesquisar a história da consolidação do atual modelo de controle social e criminalização da pobreza no Brasil recente no contexto de guerra às drogas.

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Woods, T. (2007). African Pasts: Memory and History in African Literatures. Manchetser: Manchester University Press. RAE2008

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En el presente trabajo he efectuado un estudio sobre la libertad condicional en nuestro país. He analizado los importantes cambios que ha sufrido esta institución, que ha pasado de constituir una parte o modalidad del cumplimiento de la pena de prisión para llegar a ser, tras la reforma de la LO 1/2015 de 30 de marzo, una modalidad de suspensión de la ejecución de la pena de prisión. Estudio las distintas modalidades de libertad condicional reguladas, las exigencias establecidas durante el período de libertad condicional y la revocación de la misma y sus consecuencias

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Projecto de Graduação apresentado à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Licenciada em Criminologia

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Imprisonment is the most severe penalty utilised by the criminal courts in Ireland. In recent decades the prison population has grown significantly despite expressions both official and public to reduce the use of the sanction. Two other sanctions are available to the Irish sentencer which may be used as a direct and comparable sentence in lieu of a term of imprisonment namely, the community service order and the suspended sentence. The community service order remains under-utilised as an alternative to the custodial sentence. The suspended sentence is used quite liberally but its function may be more closely related to the aim of deterrence rather than avoiding the use of the custodial sentence. Thus the aim of decarceration may not be optimal in practice when either sanction is utilised. The decarcerative effect of either sanction is largely dependent upon the specific purpose which judges invest in the sanction. Judges may also be inhibited in the use of either sanction if they lack confidence that the sentence will be appropriately monitored and executed. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of the community service order and the suspended sentence in Irish sentencing practice. Although community service and the suspended sentence present primarily as alternatives to the custodial sentence, the manner in which the judges utilise or fail to utilise the sanctions may differ significantly from this primary manifestation. Therefore the study proceeds to examine the judges' cognitions and expectations of both sanctions to explore their underlying purposes and to reveal the manner in which the judges use the sanctions in practice. To access this previously undisclosed information a number of methodologies were deployed. An extensive literature review was conducted to delineate the purpose and functionality of both sanctions. Quantitative data was gathered by way of sampling for the suspended sentence and the part-suspended sentence where deficiencies were apparent to show the actual frequency in use of that sanction. Qualitative methodologies were used by way of focus groups and semi-structured interviews of judges at all jurisdictional levels to elucidate the purposes of both sanctions. These methods allowed a deeper investigation of the factors which may promote or inhibit such usage. The relative under-utilisation of the community service order as an alternative to the custodial sentence may in part be explained by a reluctance by some judges to equate it with a real custodial sentence. For most judges who use the sanction, particularly at summary level, community service serves a decarcerative function. The suspended sentence continues to be used extensively. It operates partly as a decarcerative penalty but the purpose of deterrence may in practice overtake its theoretical purpose namely the avoidance of custody. Despite ongoing criticism of executive agencies such as the Probation Service and the Prosecution in the supervision of such penalties both sanctions continue to be used. Engagement between the Criminal Justice actors may facilitate better outcomes in the use of either sanction. The purposes for which both sanctions are deployed find their meaning essentially in the practices of the judges themselves as opposed to any statutory or theoretical claims upon their use or purpose.

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Aims and objectives: This study represents the first sustained quantitative and qualitative attempt to involve both Republicans and Loyalists in an investigation of the impact of imprisonment and the role of politically motivated former prisoners in the process of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland. The overall aim of the project is to examine the ways in which groups of former prisoners are involved in peace-building and conflict transformation work and to evaluate the constraints and impediments placed upon their activities by the effects of the imprisonment process, politically motivated release and residual criminalisation. In pursuing the evaluation of the role of politically motivated former prisoners working within and without their own communities, the research has six specific objectives: To trace the evolution and development of former prisoner groups; To evaluate the impacts of imprisonment and release on the personal lives of former prisoners; To assess the constraints imposed on former prisoners as agents of change by the residual criminalisation arising from their status; To determine the potential of the former prisoner community in challenging intra-community tensions and evaluate their potential and actual contribution to conflict transformation at the inter-community level; To compare and contrast the effectiveness of Loyalist and Republican former prisoners as agents of change within their own communities; To explore the notion of former prisoners as agents of social and communal transformation within broader political processes through grounding the knowledge and practical experience of the former prisoner community within the broader conceptual context of conflict transformation.

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Practice Links is a free e-publication for practitioners working in Irish social services, voluntary and nongovernmental sectors. Practice Links was created to enable practitioners to keep up-to-date with new publications, electronic resources and conference opportunities. Issue 41 features a review of the research thesis which examines the effects of parental imprisonment upon children's behaviour.

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This is a dissertation about identity and governance, and how they are mutually constituted. Between 1838 and 1917, the British brought approximately half a million East Indian laborers to the Atlantic to work on sugar plantations. The dissertation argues that contrary to previous historiographical assumptions, indentured East Indians were an amorphous mass of people drawn from various regions of British India. They were brought together not by their innate "Indian-ness" upon their arrival in the Caribbean, but by the common experience of indenture recruitment, transportation and plantation life. Ideas of innate "Indian-ness" were products of an imperial discourse that emerged from and shaped official approaches to governing East Indians in the Atlantic. Government officials and planters promoted visions of East Indians as "primitive" subjects who engaged in child marriage and wife murder. Officials mobilized ideas about gender to sustain racialized stereotypes of East Indian subjects. East Indian women were thought to be promiscuous, and East Indian men were violent and depraved (especially in response to East Indian women's promiscuity). By pointing to these stereotypes about East Indians, government officials and planters could highlight the promise of indenture as a civilizing mechanism. This dissertation links the study of governance and subject formation to complicate ideas of colonial rule as static. It uncovers how colonial processes evolved to handle the challenges posed by migrant populations.

The primary architects of indenture, Caribbean governments, the British Colonial Office, and planters hoped that East Indian indentured laborers would form a stable and easily-governed labor force. They anticipated that the presence of these laborers would undermine the demands of Afro-Creole workers for higher wages and shorter working hours. Indenture, however, was controversial among British liberals who saw it as potentially hindering the creation of a free labor market, and abolitionists who also feared that indenture was a new form of slavery. Using court records, newspapers, legislative documents, bureaucratic correspondence, memoirs, novels, and travel accounts from archives and libraries in Britain, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago, this dissertation explores how indenture was envisioned and constantly re-envisioned in response to its critics. It chronicles how the struggles between the planter class and the colonial state for authority over indentured laborers affected the way that indenture functioned in the British Atlantic. In addition to focusing on indenture's official origins, this dissertation examines the actions of East Indian indentured subjects as they are recorded in the imperial archive to explore how these people experienced indenture.

Indenture contracts were central to the justification of indenture and to the creation of a pliable labor force in the Atlantic. According to English common law, only free parties could enter into contracts. Indenture contracts limited the period of indenture and affirmed that laborers would be remunerated for their labor. While the architects of indenture pointed to contracts as evidence that indenture was not slavery, contracts in reality prevented laborers from participating in the free labor market and kept the wages of indentured laborers low. Further, in late nineteenth-century Britain, contracts were civil matters. In the British Atlantic, indentured laborers who violated the terms of their contracts faced criminal trials and their associated punishments such as imprisonment and hard labor. Officials used indenture contracts to exploit the labor and limit the mobility of indentured laborers in a manner that was reminiscent of slavery but that instead established indentured laborers as subjects with limited rights. The dissertation chronicles how indenture contracts spawned a complex inter-imperial bureaucracy in British India, Britain, and the Caribbean that was responsible for the transportation and governance of East Indian indentured laborers overseas.

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Informed by primary interviews and observational research conducted by the authors with women prisoners in Northern Ireland, this article focuses on prison as an institutional manifestation of women’s powerlessness and vulnerability, particularly those enduring mental ill-health. It contextualises their experiences within continua of violence and ‘unsafety’. It also considers official responses to critical inspection reports and those of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission based on the authors’ research findings. Finally, the primary research demonstrates that three decades on from publication the first critical analyses of women’s imprisonment, the conditions of gendered marginalisation, medicalisation and punishment remain. This is brought into stark relief in the punitive regimes imposed on those most vulnerable through mental ill-health.

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The notion of accountability that is propagated in transitional justice often appears limited to demands for the prosecution and imprisonment of those who have been involved in serious human rights violations. Amnesties, widely understood as the absence of punishment for wrongdoing, are in turn considered by many scholars and activists as an example par excellence of the kind of Faustian pacts which are made in the name of political expediency in transitions from conflict. Drawing from a range of interdisciplinary literature, as well as research completed by the authors in a number of societies with a violent past, this paper uses amnesties as a case-study to argue for a more rounded interrogation of the notion of accountability in transitional justice. The paper charts the various forms of intersecting accountability which both shape and delimit amnesties at key ‘moments’ concerning their remit, introduction and operation. The paper concludes that the legalistic view of amnesties as equating to impunity and retribution as accountability is inaccurate and misleading. It argues that a broader perspective of accountability speaks directly to the capacity for amnesties to play a more constructive role in post conflict justice and peacemaking.

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Studies of the female partners of politically motivated prisoners have generally studied women via a caring paradigm. Less well observed are those women who privately transgressed and challenged masculine-centred renditions or political imprisonment. This lacuna in the research dedicated to such women has been constructed around stereotypical depictions of them as a barely visible support network. We argue that the relatively indiscernible appearance of women who challenged such typecasting is attached to a persistent process of gender blindness within which women remain peripheral to wider narratives of collectivity and ideological presentation. We chart how some women actively involved themselves in creating their own identity as active agents, especially when the effects of conflict entered the private sphere.