Hans Blumenberg and Feminism

The German philosopher Hans Blumenberg [1920-1996] was interested in feminist issues during the last two decades of his life as shown their dedication and effort in compiling selected cuts in the media related to the topic of women and their development of multiple short essays inspired by the latter and countless curious anecdotes. Hans Blumenberg and feminism seeks to inform the reader about the existence of a blumenberguian thought line of research totally unexplored so far. It can only be revealed through the study of the philosopher ‘Nachlaβ’ found in the Deutsches literaturarchiv Marbach (Stuttgart) which I personally had a chance to dig through the award of a research grant from the DAAD (Deutscher Akademischer Dienst Austage).

Crisis y creación. Las ambivalentes relaciones germano-españolas en la producción cinematográfica de la primera mitad del siglo veinte

Las épocas de crisis político-social propician en especial medida la creación y el afianzamiento de determinados auto y heteroestereotipos. Esta afirmación resulta concluyente cuando se analiza cómo las distintas fases políticas de España a lo largo de la historia han condicionado de manera definitiva su imagen en el extranjero, en especial en Alemania. Las imágenes y estereotipos románticos creados a partir de la Guerra de la Independencia (1808-1814) sirvieron durante la primera mitad del siglo veinte de instrumento de manipulación propagandística que debía contribuir a ensalzar la ejemplaridad del aliado español. Este artificio político, que buscaba la simpatía ideológica con el sistema de valores nacionalsocialista, se valió de manera particular de las producciones cinematográficas hispano-alemanas para lograr su objetivo.

The symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of Imperial German and National Socialist medals and badges, 1701 to the present

This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.

El terror en los orígenes del totalitarismo y la política de la muerte

Con Los orígenes del totalitarismo Hannah Arendt propuso identificar el mal radical que los regímenes totalitarios efectuaron durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. La política de la muerte de Hit­ler y Stalin llegó a ser un flagelo hacia la humanidad y causó una gran intimidación que no escatimó la violencia y la aniquila­ción total de sus opositores. La política de la muerte significa no solo exterminar la vida desde un aspecto físico sino también desde un aspecto político, demostrando la capacidad de aislar al ser humano de su espontaneidad en la esfera pública y de su innegable pluralidad en los asuntos humanos. Las ideologías políticas que antecedieron a los regímenes totalitarios influyeron en la constitución de los partidos nacionalsocialista y bolchevismo, basando su discurso y ejecución mediante aconteci­mientos históricos que no fueron ajenos a su erección. La política de la muerte fue la determinación de todo un aparato estatal para acabar con la diversidad de los hom­bres y sumergirlos en la política macabra de los regímenes totalitarios, una política basada en la muerte.

KNOWING THE ENEMY: NAZI FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE IN WAR, HOLOCAUST, AND POSTWAR

“Knowing the Enemy: Nazi Foreign Intelligence in War, Holocaust and Postwar,” reveals the importance of ideologically-driven foreign intelligence reporting in the wartime radicalization of the Nazi dictatorship, and the continued prominence of Nazi discourses in postwar reports from German intelligence officers working with the U.S. Army and West German Federal Intelligence Service after 1945. For this project, I conducted extensive archival research in Germany and the United States, particularly in overlooked and files pertaining to the wartime activities of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt, Abwehr, Fremde Heere Ost, Auswärtiges Amt, and German General Staff, and the recently declassified intelligence files pertaining to the postwar activities of the Gehlen Organization, Bundesnachrichtendienst, and Foreign Military Studies Program. Applying the technique of close textual analysis to the underutilized intelligence reports themselves, I discovered that wartime German intelligence officials in military, civil service, and Party institutions all lent the appearance of professional objectivity to the racist and conspiratorial foreign policy beliefs held in the highest echelons of the Nazi dictatorship. The German foreign intelligence services’ often erroneous reporting on Great Britain, the Soviet Union, the United States, and international Jewry simultaneously figured in the radicalization of the regime’s military and anti-Jewish policies and served to confirm the ideological preconceptions of Hitler and his most loyal followers. After 1945, many of these same figures found employment with the Cold War West, using their “expertise” in Soviet affairs to advise the West German Government, U.S. Military, and CIA on Russian military and political matters. I chart considerable continuities in personnel and ideas from the wartime intelligence organizations into postwar West German and American intelligence institutions, as later reporting on the Soviet Union continued to reproduce the flawed wartime tropes of innate Russian military and racial inferiority.

Le penser pacifié et l’agir moral de l’après Auschwitz selon T. W. Adorno

Dans Dialectique de la Raison, Adorno et Horkheimer tentent d’esquisser le pourquoi et le comment de ce retour à la barbarie qu’a connu la civilisation européenne, lors du troisième Reich. Quelles sont ces conditions qui ont rendu possibles les massacres administrés sous le régime nazi? La résolution de cette énigme qui se solde sur l’échec de l’Auflkärung nous dévoile une nécessité, celle d’une transformation radicale à la fois de l’éthique et de la métaphysique dans sa conception de la vérité. Celle-ci se présente à nous sous la forme d’une norme morale : « Dans leur état de non-liberté, Hitler a imposé aux hommes un nouvel impératif catégorique; penser et agir en sorte qu’Auschwitz ne se répète pas ». Quelles modalités de penser et d’agir nous exhortent ce nouvel impératif catégorique? La philosophie d’Adorno, critiqué pour n’avoir été que négative dans son entreprise, est-elle en mesure de nous fournir des prescriptions normatives capables de réorienter le penser théorétique et l’éthique?

Le penser pacifié et l’agir moral de l’après Auschwitz selon T. W. Adorno

Dans Dialectique de la Raison, Adorno et Horkheimer tentent d’esquisser le pourquoi et le comment de ce retour à la barbarie qu’a connu la civilisation européenne, lors du troisième Reich. Quelles sont ces conditions qui ont rendu possibles les massacres administrés sous le régime nazi? La résolution de cette énigme qui se solde sur l’échec de l’Auflkärung nous dévoile une nécessité, celle d’une transformation radicale à la fois de l’éthique et de la métaphysique dans sa conception de la vérité. Celle-ci se présente à nous sous la forme d’une norme morale : « Dans leur état de non-liberté, Hitler a imposé aux hommes un nouvel impératif catégorique; penser et agir en sorte qu’Auschwitz ne se répète pas ». Quelles modalités de penser et d’agir nous exhortent ce nouvel impératif catégorique? La philosophie d’Adorno, critiqué pour n’avoir été que négative dans son entreprise, est-elle en mesure de nous fournir des prescriptions normatives capables de réorienter le penser théorétique et l’éthique?

La política exterior expansionista y racista del Tercer Reich en Checoslovaquia y Croacia en 1933-1943

El objetivo de este estudio de caso es analizar la forma en la cual la política exterior expansionista y racista del Tercer Reich repercutió en la invasión militar de Checoslovaquia y en la creación de un régimen fascista en Croacia. El surgimiento del Tercer Reich implicó el desencadenamiento de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, generando un cambio en la configuración del Sistema Internacional. Desde el ascenso de Hitler al poder en 1933, Alemania proyectó una discursiva racista y expansionista en su política exterior, con el objetivo de configurar un nuevo ordenamiento europeo. Por lo anterior, la política exterior del Tercer Reich justificó la invasión de Checoslovaquia basándose en los principios del espacio vital que permitieron adherir el territorio al Reich, e influyó en el ascenso del régimen fascista de Ante Pavelić en Croacia, quien colaboró para la consecución del interés nacional racial alemán.