A violência no espaço urbano: uma crítica Benjaminiana. Estudo de caso da cidade de Rio Claro

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

Violência e transgressão na periferia de Belém: sociabilidade e os arranjos criminosos no espaço de ocupação Riacho Doce

Este estudo se propõe a investigar o contexto da transgressão e violência no espaço de Ocupação Riacho Doce e suas implicações no contexto social. Nele buscamos demonstrar uma série de arranjos que resultam nas múltiplas sociabilidades que favorecem ações criminosas entre infratores da área e Agentes de Segurança Pública. Além desses aspectos pontuais, o mesmo expõe algumas discussões teóricas sobre conceitos essenciais para a compreensão do fenômeno da violência como todo. Dentre eles, pobreza e exclusão social, estigma e medo, sociedade de risco global, violência urbana, direitos humanos, crime e relações de poder. Ressaltando ainda, a trajetória histórica das Instituições de Segurança Pública, dando ênfase para as Polícias Militar do Brasil e do Pará e suas respectivas características, no intuito de demonstrar que a conjunção de todos os elementos apresentados tem favorecido um lucrativo comércio de drogas no local e conseqüentemente aumentado à criminalidade com participação de alguns Policiais acostumados a práticas ilícitas, adolescentes e criminosos da área.

Cartografias do Diário do Pará: um estudo genealógico do acontecimento homicídio contra jovens em um caderno policial

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo analisar a forma como é abordado o acontecimento homicídio contra jovens no caderno “Polícia” do Diário do Pará, jornal impresso de grande circulação no estado. O Diário do Pará, como um veículo de comunicação de massa, produz saberes, faz circular certos valores, institui regimes de verdade e forja subjetividades, que coadunam com o projeto político e econômico do (neo)liberalismo. Desta forma, empreendemos uma breve análise cartográfica das forças políticas e econômicas contemporâneas que regulamentam as parcelas juvenis e outros segmentos populacionais que, em nossa análise, fundamentam as racionalidades do Diário do Pará na produção de notícias sobre o homicídio juvenil. À luz do método arquegenealógico, damos visibilidade a rede de enunciados e práticas não-discursivas deste jornal, que projetam o lugar da juventude, especialmente a pobre e não-escolarizada, aos territórios da violência e da criminalidade. Notamos que, nas matérias jornalísticas analisadas, a morte dos jovens é produzida como um acontecimento, ao mesmo tempo, impactante, em virtude dos recursos sensacionalistas utilizados na construção da notícia, e justificável por ser objetivada como resultado de uma trajetória juvenil que insistiu em desviar do modelo do bom cidadão (dócil e produtivo), ao enveredar pelos caminhos da criminalidade e dos vícios. As práticas jornalísticas lançam um feixe de luz sobre a vida dos jovens considerados infames, ao buscar informações minuciosas sobre o que denominam de “vida pregressa” da vítima e acionam o “dispositivo de periculosidade”, que associa pobreza a violência. Concluímos, ainda, que as práticas deste jornal conectam-se a obsessão securitária que tem investido todo o corpo social e o tem organizado a partir da demanda por lei e ordem.

Vidas em enclaves. Imaginário das cidades inseguras e fragmentação socioespacial em contextos não metropolitanos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Um jeito jovem de morrer: homicídios de jovens por armas de fogo em Londrina, 2000-2003

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Televisão e socialização: a expressão da violência no espaço doméstico

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Do estado da droga à droga no Estado

Should taste be discussed? Are there themes in the human life that should not be discussed? Why? What is it aimed when certain themes are discussed or not? The goal of this short paper is to consider the use of so called forbidden drugs in the State. Does the State want to deal with it? Can the State face this problem properly? How has the State tried to deal with such a situation and such a problem? Four researchers of a german university put forward their points of view according to their historical and cultural background. For them this question must be openly and plainly discussed in order to assume that it is also a problem of public health and not only of criminality. In this way a simple prohibition does not solve the problem. The State has the responsibility of elucidating the theme in order to enable the citizen to the use of drugs and to the responsibility for its consequences.

Juventude, drogas e biopolítica

In this article, we tackle the issue of youth and drugs as something linked to biopower and biopolitics, both concepts developed by Michael Foucault. Youth and drugs are taken and analyzed in situations involving the management of crime linked to the risks and deviations from the law, abuse and dependence. The youth; irreverent, courageous, healthy, idealistic, and that wanted to change the world for the better as we have seen in the past, is now strongly related to violence, dangerous activities, moral and social risks, drug addiction, criminality, and others negative images. To deal with these young people, tolerance and small punishments of yore are not enough anymore. The young people emerge as a segment of the population subject to various actions and programs. The drugs now are seen as matters of security and public health. There is a shifting and repositioning in the discourse about the young - from minor, drugged, and criminal to lawbreaker, user and drug addict. The change is subtle, but represents a modulation in the devices of social control. Beyond the consent of the young to get rid of drugs, there is a search for the creation of a wide area of monitoring of their behavior through the activation of community protection networks. The belief that the young are more impressionable and vulnerable, and that action on the cause of the problem or risk reduction are the most efficient ways of management, taking responsibility away from personal and family sphere and transferring it to the State, contributes to the increasing control of young people nowadays.

Narrativa e representação: uma leitura de Cidade de Deus

Pós-graduação em Estudos Literários - FCLAR

A problemática trazida pelos bancos de perfis genéticos criminais no Brasil

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Is Everyone Rated Equal? An Examination of Factors Related to Sexual Risk in Ethnically Diverse Male Adolescents Who Have Sexually Offended

As the juvenile justice system has evolved, there has been a need for clinicians to make judgments about risk posed by adolescents who have committed sexual offenses. There are inherent difficulties in attempting to assess risk for violence among adolescents due to the developmental changes taking place and the absence of well-validated instruments to guide risk prediction judgments. With minority groups increasing in numbers in the U.S., it is likely that professionals will encounter minority individuals when conducting risk assessments. Overall questions regarding race/ethnicity have been neglected and there are few if any published research that explores risk factors with minority juvenile sex offenders. The present study examined whether differences exist between Caucasian and racial/ethnic minority adolescent sexual offenders on four risk assessment measures (J-SORRAT-II, J-SOAP-II, SAVRY, and ERASOR). The sample of 207 male adolescent sexual offenders was drawn from treatment facilities in a Midwestern state. Overall results indicated that minority adolescent sex offenders had fewer risk factors endorsed than Caucasian youth across all risk assessment tools. Exploration of interactions between race and factors such as: family status, exposure to family violence, and family history of criminality upon the assessment tools risk ratings yielded non-significant findings. Limitations, suggestions for future directions, and clinical implications are discussed.

A Culture of Relationships: Early Care for Italian and American Children

A culture of childhood is a shared vision – an agreed upon vision – of the needs and rights of children, including ideas about how the people of the community can collectively nurture them and at the same time be renewed by them. In other words, it is a set of values, beliefs, and practices that people have created to guide their way of nurturing young children and their families. The vision is about investing in young children and investing in the supports and relationships that children need to learn and grow, both for the reason that children carry our future and because they carry our hopes and dreams for the future. These hopes and dreams begin with birth. Sensitive, emotionally available parents create the framework for interaction with their children by responding to the baby’s cues, engaging the baby in mutual gazes, and imitating the baby. The baby, born with a primary ability to share emotions with other human beings eagerly joins the relationship dance. The intimate family circle soon widens. Providers, teachers, and directors of early childhood programs become significant figures in children’s lives—implicit or explicit partners in a "relationship dance" (Edwards & Raikes, 2002). These close relationships are believed to be critical to healthy intellectual, emotional, social, and physical development in childhood and adolescence as well. These conclusions have been documented by diverse fields of science, ranging from cognitive science to communication studies and social and personality psychology. Close relationships contribute to security and trust, promote skill development and understanding, nurture healthy physical growth, infuse developing self-understanding and self-confidence, enable self-control and emotion regulation, and strengthen emotional connections with others that contribute to prosocial motivation (Dunn, 1993; Fogel, 1993; Thompson, 1996). Furthermore, many studies showing how relationship dysfunction is linked to child abuse and neglect, aggression, criminality, and other problems involving the lack of significant human connections (Shankoff & Meisels, 2000). In extending the dance of primary relationships to new relationships, a childcare teacher can play a primary role. The teacher makes the space ready--creating a beautiful place that causes everyone to feel like dancing. Gradually, as the dance between them becomes smooth and familiar, the teacher encourages the baby to try out more complex steps and learn how to dance to new compositions, beats, and tempos. As the baby alternates dancing sometimes with one or two partners, sometimes with many, the dance itself becomes a story about who the child has been and who the child is becoming, a reciprocal self created through close relationships.

Criminal career-related factors among female robbers in the State of Sao Paulo, Brazil, and a presumed 'revolving-door' situation

Introduction: Risk-taking behaviors, family criminality, poverty, and poor parenting have been frequently associated with an earlier onset of criminal activities and a longer criminal career among male convicts. Objective: This study aims to identify factors related to the onset and recurrence of criminal behavior among female robbers in the State of Sao Paulo - Brazil. Method: It was a cross-sectional study carried out inside a feminine penitentiary in Sao Paulo. From June 2006 to June 2010, 175 inmates convicted only for robbery were recruited to be evaluated about family antecedents of criminal conviction, alcohol and drug misuse, impulsiveness, depressive symptoms, and psychosocial features. Results: Having family antecedents of criminal conviction consistently predicted an earlier onset of criminal activities and a longer criminal career among female robbers. Drug use in youth and the severity of drug misuse were significantly related to the initiation and recurrence of criminal behavior, respectively. Discussion: Prisons must systematically screen detainees and provide treatments for those with health problems in general. Children of inmates should obtain help to modify the negative consequences of their parents' incarceration in order to mitigate the negative consequences of pursuing this 'static' factor.

Restructuring Justice: Moving Towards Gender-Responsive Programming and Alternatives to Incarceration for Non-Violent Female Offenders

The United States¿ Federal and State laws differentiate between acceptable (or, legal) and unacceptable (illegal) behavior by prescribing restrictive punishment to citizens and/or groups that violate these established rules. These regulations are written to treat every person equally and to fairly serve justice; furthermore, the sanctions placed on offenders seek to reform illegal behavior through limitations on freedoms and rehabilitative programs. Despite the effort to treat all offenders fairly regardless of social identity categories (e.g., sex, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, ability, and gender and sexual orientation) and to humanely eliminate illegal behavior, the American penal system perpetuates de facto discrimination against a multitude of peoples. Furthermore, soaring recidivism rates caused by unsuccessful re-entry of incarcerated offenders puts economic stress on Federal and State budgets. For these reasons, offenders, policy-makers, and law-abiding citizens should all have a vested interest in reforming the prison system. This thesis focuses on the failure of the United States corrections system to adequately address the gender-specific needs of non-violent female offenders. Several factors contribute to the gender-specific discrimination that women experience in the criminal justice system: 1) Trends in female criminality that skew women¿s crime towards drug-related crimes, prostitution, and property offenses; 2) Mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes that are disproportionate to the crime committed; 3) So-called ¿gender-neutral¿ educational, vocational, substance abuse, and mental health programming that intends to equally rehabilitate men and women, but in fact favors men; and 4) The isolating nature of prison structures that inhibits smooth re-entry into society. I argue that a shift in the placement and treatment of non-violent female offenders is necessary for effective rehabilitation and for reducing recidivism rates. The first component of this shift is the design and implementation of gender- responsive treatment (GRT) rather than gender-neutral approaches in rehabilitative programming. The second shift is the utilization of alternatives to incarceration, which provide both more humane treatment of offenders and smoother reintegration to society. Drawing on recent scholarship, information from prison advocacy organizations, and research with men in an alternative program, I provide a critical analysis of current policies and alternative programs, and suggest several proposals for future gender- responsive programs in prisons and in place of incarceration. I argue that the expansion of gender-responsive programming and alternatives to incarceration respond to the marginalization of female offenders, address concerns about the financial sustainability of the United States criminal justice system, and tackle high recidivism rates.

Representing Afghanistan: The United States and Democracy's Imposition

There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.