Participatory media and 'co-creative' storytelling

Distinguishing critical participatory media from other participatory media forms (for example user-generated content and social media) may be increasingly difficult to do, but nonetheless remains an important task if media studies is to remain relevant to the continuing development of inclusive social political and media cultures. This was one of a number of the premises for a national Australian Research Council-funded study that set out to improve the visibility of critical participatory media, and understand its use for facilitating media participation on a population wide basis (Spurgeon et. al. 2015). The term ‘co-creative’ media was adopted to make this distinction and to describe an informal system of critical participatory media practice that is situated between major public, Indigenous and community arts, culture and media sectors. Although the co-creative media system is found to be a site of innovation and engine for social change its value is still not fully understood. For this reason, this system continues to provide media and cultural studies scholars with valuable sites for researching the sociocultural transformations afforded by new media and communication technologies, as well as their limitations.

Performing immobility / protesting immobility: The risks & rewards of public space protest performances

Though there is much interest in mobilities and performing mobilities as a characteristic of modern, urban, social life today, this is not always matched by attention to immobilities, as the flipside of mobility in modern life. In this paper, I investigate public space performances designed to draw attention to precisely this counterpoint to current discourses of mobilities – performances about the socially produced immobilities many people with disabilities find a more fundamental feature of day-to-day life, the fight for mobility, and the freedom found when accommodations for alternative mobilities are made available. Although public policy is increasingly aligned with a social model of disability, which sees disability as socially constructed through systems, institutions and infrastructure deliberately designed to exclude specific bodies – stairs, curbs, queues and so forth – and although governments in the US, UK, and to a lesser degree Australia, New Zealand and other Commonwealth nations aim to address these inequalities, the experience of immobility is still every-present for many people. This often comes not just from pain, or from impairment, or event from lack of accommodations for alternative mobilities, but from fellow social performers’ antipathy to, appropriation of, or destruction of accommodations designed to facilitate access for a range of different bodies in public space, and thus the public sphere. The archetypal instance of this tension between the mobile, and those needing accommodations to allow mobility, is, of course, the antipathy many able bodied people feel towards the provision of disabled parking spaces. A cursory search online shows thousands of accounts of antagonism, vitriol, and even violence prompted by disputes which began when a disabled person asked an able person to exit a designated disabled parking space. For many, it seems, expecting them to pass by such parks so others can experience the mobility they take for granted is too much. In this paper, I examine a number of protest performances in public space in which activist present actions – for example, placing wheelchairs in every regular parking space in a precinct – to give bystanders, passersby and spectators, as well as antagonistic fellow social performers, a sense of what socially produced immobility feels like. I examine responses to such protest performances, and what they say about the potential social, political and ethical impacts of such protests, in terms of their potential to produce new attitudes to mobility, alternative mobility, and access to alternative modes of mobility.

The Contested Terrain of Globalization: Review and Conceptual Clarifications for Management Studies

The concept of globalization has become a shorthand for making sense of contemporary society. It reflects large-scale economic and social change, which affects people differently and evokes different viewpoints. Globalization is thus a highly contested concept and phenomenon. Contradictory and competing views, in turn, seem to be based on different interpretations of the present dominant forms of globalization, and of the material, economic, social and cultural conditions that these forms produce and give rise to. We view globalization not only as a significant set of economic, financial, social, political and cultural forces but as a powerful and contested discursive space. In this article, we present an overview of recent literature to introduce different thematic perspectives on globalization, to specify different ideological and discursive bases to approach globalization, and to place multinational corporations (MNC:s) within this context. Our account is not exhaustive, rather, it is intended as a basis for further discussion on the nature and role of multinational corporations in complex ”global” society

The Liminality of Cosmopolitanism from the Global South – Transnational Activists in Costa Rica between Colonial Legacies and Decolonial Attitudes

The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.

Traditionally Protected Forests´ Role within Transforming Natural Resource Management Regimes in Taita Hills, Kenya

In Taita Hills, south-eastern Kenya, remnants of indigenous mountain rainforests play a crucial role as water towers and socio-cultural sites. They are pressurized due to poverty, shortage of cultivable land and the fading of traditional knowledge. This study examines the traditional ecological knowledge of Taitas and the ways it may be applied within transforming natural resource management regimes. I have analyzed some justifications for and hindrances to ethnodevelopment and participatory forest management in light of recently renewed Kenyan forest policies. Mixed methods were applied by combining an ethnographic approach with participatory GIS. I learned about traditionally protected forests and their ecological and cultural status through a seek out the expert method and with remote sensing data and tools. My informants were: 107 household interviewees, 257 focus group participants, 73 key informants and 87 common informants in participatory mapping. Religious leaders and state officials shared their knowledge for this study. I have gained a better understanding of the traditionally protected forests and sites through examining their ecological characteristics and relation to social dynamics, by evaluating their strengths and hindrances as sites for conservation of cultural and biological diversity. My results show that, these sites are important components of a complex socio-ecological system, which has symbolical status and sacred and mystical elements within it, that contributes to the connectivity of remnant forests in the agroforestry dominated landscape. Altogether, 255 plant species and 220 uses were recognized by the tradition experts, whereas 161 species with 108 beneficial uses were listed by farmers. Out of the traditionally protected forests studied 47 % were on private land and 23% on community land, leaving 9% within state forest reserves. A paradigm shift in conservation is needed; the conservation area approach is not functional for private lands or areas trusted upon communities. The role of traditionally protected forests in community-based forest management is, however, paradoxal, since communal approaches suggests equal participation of people, whereas management of these sites has traditionally been the duty of solely accredited experts in the village. As modernization has gathered pace such experts have become fewer. Sacredness clearly contributes but, it does not equal conservation. Various social, political and economic arrangements further affect the integrity of traditionally protected forests and sites, control of witchcraft being one of them. My results suggest that the Taita have a rich traditional ecological knowledge base, which should be more determinately integrated into the natural resource management planning processes.

Co-benefits, trade-offs, barriers and policies for greenhouse gas mitigation in the agriculture, forestry and other land use (AFOLU) sector

The agriculture, forestry and other land use (AFOLU) sector is responsible for approximately 25% of anthropogenic GHG emissions mainly from deforestation and agricultural emissions from livestock, soil and nutrient management. Mitigation from the sector is thus extremely important in meeting emission reduction targets. The sector offers a variety of cost-competitive mitigation options with most analyses indicating a decline in emissions largely due to decreasing deforestation rates. Sustainability criteria are needed to guide development and implementation of AFOLU mitigation measures with particular focus on multifunctional systems that allow the delivery of multiple services from land. It is striking that almost all of the positive and negative impacts, opportunities and barriers are context specific, precluding generic statements about which AFOLU mitigation measures have the greatest promise at a global scale. This finding underlines the importance of considering each mitigation strategy on a case-by-case basis, systemic effects when implementing mitigation options on the national scale, and suggests that policies need to be flexible enough to allow such assessments. National and international agricultural and forest (climate) policies have the potential to alter the opportunity costs of specific land uses in ways that increase opportunities or barriers for attaining climate change mitigation goals. Policies governing practices in agriculture and in forest conservation and management need to account for both effective mitigation and adaptation and can help to orient practices in agriculture and in forestry towards global sharing of innovative technologies for the efficient use of land resources. Different policy instruments, especially economic incentives and regulatory approaches, are currently being applied however, for its successful implementation it is critical to understand how land-use decisions are made and how new social, political and economic forces in the future will influence this process.

La génesis del matrimonio civil

Resumen: Es insuficiente para comprender adecuadamente las causas sociales, políticas e ideológicas de la incorporación del matrimonio civil obligatorio a nuestra legislación, el analizar el período histórico próximo a la sanción de la ley 2.393. Por ello hemos organizado la investigación en tres capítulos: “Los matrimonios entre personas de distinta religión”, “Católicos y liberales” y “La Ley de Matrimonio Civil”. El primero abarca la problemática, las distintas soluciones y la legislación aplicable, en el Río de la Plata, desde el tiempo de la colonia hasta la sanción del Código Civil. El segundo, la concepción filosófica de los hombres de la generación del ochenta, protagonistas de la sanción de la ley 2.393, las dos corrientes de pensamiento enfrentadas por su concepto del hombre, la libertad y el Estado, la posición de la prensa, los criterios sustentados por los doctorandos de la época, el fenómeno inmigratorio y el proceso de secularización. Por último, el proyecto de ley, sus repercusiones en la sociedad, en la prensa, el clero y la opinión pública; y su tratamiento en el Congreso de la Nación. Buscamos discernir las causas verdaderas y principales y las ficticias que llevaron a la introducción del matrimonio civil en el derecho argentino, para ello no solo hemos consultado las fuentes habituales, sino que hemos examinado gran cantidad de fuentes originales de la época. Entre ellas, a) la totalidad de los artículos publicados en los diarios La Prensa y La Nación durante el período 1870–1888; b) las Cartas remitidas por el Obispo de Buenos Aires, Monseñor Aneiros y por el Obispo de Córdoba, Fray Reginaldo al Senado de la Nación; c) Actas de las Sesiones de las Cámaras de Diputados y Senadores y d) las tesis doctorales de Francisco Barroetaveña, Daniel Goytia, Julio Sánchez Viamonte, Leopoldo Tahiér, Federico Valdez, Alejandro González Vélez y Alejandro Garramuño.

Lengua y derecho a la educación en la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco : reflexiones jurídicas sobre el tránsito hacia un nuevo modelo

The article analyzes the legal regime of Euskara in the education system of the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country (capv). In the capv, the legislation recognizes the right to choose the language of study during the educational cycle. The students are separated into different classrooms based on their language preference. This system of separation (of language models) has made it possible to make great strides, although its implementation also suggests aspects which, from the perspective of a pluralistic Basque society on its way towards greater social, political and language integration, call for further reflection The general model for language planning in the capv was fashioned in the eighties as a model characterized by the guarantee of spaces of language freedom, and the educational system was charged with making the learning of the region’s autochthonous language more widespread. At this point, we already have a fair degree of evidence on which to base an analysis of the system of language models and we are in a position to conclude that perhaps the educational system was given too heavy a burden. Official studies on language performance of Basque schoolchildren show (in a way that is now fully verified) that not all the students who finish their mandatory period of schooling achieve the level of knowledge of Euskara required by the regulations. When faced with this reality, it becomes necessary for us to articulate some alternative to the current configuration of the system of language models, one that will make it possible in the future to have a Basque society that is linguistically more integrated, thereby avoiding having the knowledge or lack of knowledge of one of the official languages become a language barrier between two communities. Many sides have urged a reconsideration of the system of language models. The Basque Parliament itself has requested the Department of Education to design a new system. This article analyzes the legal foundations on which the current system is built and explores the potential avenues for legal cooperation that would make it possible to move towards a new system aimed at guaranteeing higher rates of bilingualism. The system would be sufficiently flexible so as to be able to respond to and accommodate the different sociolinguistic realities of the region.

Approaches and frameworks for management and research in small-scale fisheries in the developing world

Commonly adopted approaches to managing small-scale fisheries (SSFs) in developing countries do not ensure sustainability. Progress is impeded by a gap between innovative SSF research and slower-moving SSF management. The paper aims to bridge the gap by showing that the three primary bases of SSF management--ecosystem, stakeholders’ rights and resilience--are mutually consistent and complementary. It nominates the ecosystem approach as an appropriate starting point because it is established in national and international law and policy. Within this approach, the emerging resilience perspective and associated concepts of adaptive management and institutional learning can move management beyond traditional control and resource-use optimization, which largely ignore the different expectations of stakeholders; the complexity of ecosystem dynamics; and how ecological, social, political and economic subsystems are linked. Integrating a rights-based perspective helps balance the ecological bias of ecosystem-based and resilience approaches. The paper introduces three management implementation frameworks that can lend structure and order to research and management regardless of the management approach chosen. Finally, it outlines possible research approaches to overcome the heretofore limited capacity of fishery research to integrate across ecological, social and economic dimensions and so better serve the management objective of avoiding fishery failure by nurturing and preserving the ecological, social and institutional attributes that enable it to renew and reorganize itself. (PDF contains 29 pages)

A study of women's participation in fish food security and poverty alleviation in Lagos and Ogun States

Women, all over the world have contributed in various ways to the social, political and economic development of the Society. In fact, the World Resource Institute recognizes that "women have profound and preserve effect onn the well-being of their families, communities and local ecosystems" (Gamble and Well 1997:211). Women constitute more than 50 percent of the Agricultural (Fisheries being a sub sector), labour force. A study on Women in Fisheries showed that they participate in all aspects of the sector (capture, culture, processing, marketing research, training and Extension services). This paper reports the result of the study on women's contributions in the development of the Fisheries Industry particularly their roles in Fish Food Security, Poverty Alleviation and high rates of women's adoption of Fisheries technologies. The Case-study research methodology is used to study the "How" and "Why" Women's Contribution in Fish Food Security and Poverty Alleviation is at the index level recorded for the gender. The study made use of "Case Study" Research Instrument; documents, interview, artefacts, direct observation and archival records. The sampling techniques were purposive for research audiences and simple random for fisher-folks in the chosen locations. Analysed data showed among others that in Fisheries Research women occupy very important positions as Heads of Division/Section, Fisheries Liasion/Extension Officers and Fisheries Laboratory Chiefs etc. The paper also gave results of women production, processing, marketing and other services statistics; it also discusses the "whys" of women's low capacity in fisheries development of the nation and finally suggested ways in improving women's optimal capacity utilization in fisheries development

Os pecados do Brasil: luteranos e inquisição séculos XVI e XVII

O tema desta pesquisa abrange a penetração e a repressão inquisitorial portuguesa à chamada heresia luterana. Antes de qualquer comentário, é necessário dizer que o termo luterano, na Época Moderna, era utilizado pelos inquisidores como termo genérico para identificar os estrangeiros protestantes. É um tema inédito e original, no âmbito das pesquisas históricas especializadas em Inquisição, com o foco direcionado para os processos inquisitoriais do Santo Ofício Lisboeta contra réus em terra brasílica. Trata-se de uma investigação a respeito da introdução e da difusão do luteranismo no Brasil colonial entre os séculos XVI e XVII. Processos da Inquisição portuguesa são as fontes primárias de maior relevância nesta tese. Além de que, há documentos administrativos e jurídicos que aprimoram a exploração da temática. O luteranismo no Brasil Colonial apresentou várias facetas: desde um luteranismo das naus, quando os portugueses expandiam-se para o além-mar e eram tomados por luteranos ingleses e franceses ao luteranismo da terra firme com seus conflitos e guerras coloniais, contando, também, com aquele tipo de luteranismo por adesão voluntária. O crime perseguido e processado pelo Tribunal da Inquisição Portuguesa no Brasil foi um luteranismo articulado com as profundas mudanças sociais, políticas e culturais da Europa Moderna e com as singularidades da sociedade colonial.

Dimensões do ativismo judicial no Supremo Tribunal Federal

Considerando que o ativismo judicial é uma realidade contemporânea da prática decisória do Supremo Tribunal Federal, como melhor explicar sua recente ascensão e, principalmente, como identificar as decisões ativistas da Corte? Este trabalho é dedicado a investigar o ativismo judicial do Supremo Tribunal Federal de modo a tornar possível responder a essas perguntas. Nele são examinadas as práticas ativistas de importantes cortes constitucionais ou supremas cortes, principalmente a norte-americana, com o propósito de extrair lições para a elaboração de uma definição abrangente do ativismo judicial e para a montagem de um esquema explicativo e categorizador das decisões ativistas. As conclusões são por uma explicação multifacetada e por uma identificação multidimensional do ativismo judicial. Aplicando essas premissas sobre a realidade decisória do Supremo, é verificado que seu ativismo judicial responde a um conjunto de fatores institucionais, sociopolíticos e jurídico-culturais que se desenvolveram gradualmente a partir da Constituição de 1988. E, principalmente, que é possível descrever cinco dimensões de manifestação de seu ativismo judicial: metodológico (interpretativo); processual; estrutural (horizontal); de direitos; antidialógico.

Ecos da fé na alma e na obra de Eça de Queiróz:uma visão crítica da Igreja e da Religião Católicas no século XIX

Esta dissertação, inserida na linha de pesquisa de Política e Cultura, trata da visão crítica de Eça de Queiroz sobre a Igreja Católica, sobre o catolicismo popular e a relação Igreja-Estado em Portugal do século XIX. O trabalho aprofunda as idéias do autor estabelecidas no momento histórico do chamado movimento da Regeneração, na segunda metade do século, marcado por propostas de denúncias da decadência da sociedade e de mudanças e reformas modernizantes nas estruturas econômicas, sociais, políticas educacionais e culturais do país. Analisa questões relevantes ligadas à política da época como o liberalismo monárquico, a política do estado constitucional português, a política ultramontana do Vaticano e seus desdobramentos em Portugal, além do catolicismo institucionalizado nas práticas políticas e culturais. A partir de fontes primárias como os trabalhos jornalísticos do autor, publicados no Brasil e em Portugal, assim como cartas para seus amigos intelectuais da chamada Geração 70, aborda questões como o anticlericalismo, antijesuitismo, Padroado, regalismo e o projeto cultural português de secularização. Observando o extremo espírito perspicaz e sarcástico do autor, o trabalho conclui por entender o escritor como forte defensor de reformas nas práticas, discursos e preocupações da Igreja Católica de seu tempo, assim como voz exigente e consonante a outros intelectuais da época em prol de novo comprometimento e atuação dessa mesma Igreja. Por fim, estabelece o autor como um expoente entre a intelectualidade por ser protagonista de um movimento de renovação política e cultural, como catalisador da opinião pública de seu tempo, e acima de tudo, autor de uma obra de relevância literária e jornalística, capaz de impor-se como efetiva proposta inovadora para a modernidade portuguesa da época.

Brasil e Argentina sob Lula e Kirchner(s): percepções de políticas externas e efeito sobre o Mercosul (20032010)

Brasil e Argentina nutriram ao longo de décadas sentimento de rivalidade. Aos poucos, tal sentimento foi substituído pela cooperação e consequentemente integração entre os mesmos. A aproximação entre os países culminou na formulação do Mercado Comum do Sul, um dos blocos mais importantes da região sul-americana. Porém, ao longo da década de 1990, a organização passou por momentos de crises, bem como as próprias economias nacionais. Isto provocou a possibilidade de haver retrocesso ou até mesmo a dissolução do bloco que, em períodos anteriores, já tinha proporcionado aumento de fluxo de comércio e de confiança entre seus dois membros maiores. No entanto, a partir de 2003, novos governantes que assumiram o cargo de presidente no Brasil e na Argentina propiciaram uma mudança naquele contexto. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, presidente do Brasil, e Néstor Kirchner, presidente da Argentina, subiram ao poder com ideias e objetivos muito semelhantes para a integração regional. Também, havia grande preocupação com o outro em termos de política externa, considerado como forte parceiro em termos políticos, estratégicos e econômicos. A partir da aplicação de literaturas que colocavam o Estado como figura central na elaboração de política externa e de mudanças na mesma, assim como daquelas que estudam o período de 2003 a 2010, avalia-se Brasil e Argentina. O segundo mandato de Lula e o mandato de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner também são estudados, porque são considerados governos de continuidade aos anteriores. A partir desta reaproximação de Brasil e Argentina, enquanto Estados, pode-se perceber uma mudança na reconfiguração do Mercosul. Há maior interesse político para que o bloco seguisse por caminhos que não o meramente comercial. Desde então, há maior quantidade de iniciativas dentro do bloco, e maior disponibilidade e confiança por parte dos governos.

Da Atenas Brasileira à Jamaica Brasileira: reflexões sobre processos de construção de identidades culturais da capital maranhense

Estudo sobre o processo de construção identitária da cidade de São Luís. Dos vários epítetos pelos quais a cidade é designada, são contemplados aqui apenas os de Atenas Brasileira, Única cidade brasileira fundada pelos franceses e Jamaica Brasileira. O propósito é o de identificar as condições sociais, políticas e culturais presentes no contexto específico de cada uma dessas construções. São levados em conta o modelo eurocêntrico e o elitismo cultural vigentes na sociedade de um século XIX marcado pelas categorias dominantes/dominados, cultura letrada/cultura popular próprias das condições que ensejaram o estabelecimento da Atenas Brasileira. Foi analisada a estratégia que fez de um acontecimento histórico a instauração de um ato fundador de tradição e, por extensão, de criação de identidade cultural, tática que deu a São Luís, na primeira década do século XX, a designação de Única cidade brasileira fundada pelos franceses, a mesmo tempo em que ensejou a revitalização da primeira identidade cultural. Por fim, a análise do advento da Jamaica Brasileira nos anos de 1970, identidade cultural oriunda das massas populares e periféricas da cidade de São Luís, caracterizadas pela exclusão social e negritude, de forte apelo sensível e estético marcado pelo ritmo, pela dança, pela música reggae de origem jamaicana. Esses estudos tiveram como fundamentos epistemológicos teorizações dos campos da comunicação, dos estudos culturais, memória e narrativa. Para sua realização foram efetuadas leitura e análise de material bibliográfico e documental, realizadas entrevistas e aplicados questionários. O estudo revelou que os processos de construção das identidades culturais da cidade de São Luís foram influenciados pela po