Quando o passado se faz presente: os desafios da gestão social no programa nacional de agricultura familiar

A evolução de políticas públicas na esfera rural, anteriormente desenvolvida pelo Ministério da Agricultura, passando para o Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário e ganhando prioridade na agenda do governo a partir do mandato do ex-presidente Luis Inácio Lula da Silva ao incorporar no Ministério da Casa Civil a política pública dos Territórios da Cidadania, demonstra o retorno da importância da esfera rural brasileira e de sua população para o desenvolvimento real do país. Tendo a certeza de que a política pública hoje, gerida pelo Ministério da Casa Civil, apresenta um histórico evolutivo e que desde o final da década de 90 já priorizava como ação estratégica a gestão social como pressuposto para uma atuação do Estado pautado por ações e critérios republicanos, foi realizado um levantamento de algumas explicações que apontam a mudança da ação estatal para uma gestão que incorpora a população como um agente importante para o alcance das metas preestabelecidas pelo Estado. Sabendo da real importância do aspecto histórico para a evolução das políticas públicas, este estudo resgatou o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento Familiar (PRONAF) como objeto de investigação, já que tal política apresenta-se como um grande marco para o desenvolvimento da gestão social nas políticas públicas territoriais. Foi realizada então uma análise de conteúdo de (4) relatórios institucionais que cobrem (4) estados e mais ou menos 100 municípios para evidenciar se as mudanças preconizadas pela atuação do conceito da gestão social estão efetivamente mudando a cultura política do país. O foco para verificação da presente questão ocorre a partir da análise dos Conselhos Municipais de Desenvolvimento Rural (CMDR). As constatações feitas a partir dos relatórios e interpretadas através das categorias trabalhadas no presente estudo demonstram que a realidade social brasileira ainda apresenta fragilidades advindas da formação social do país, apresentando-se como verdadeiros obstáculos para a efetivação do interesse coletivo e para a consolidação de um Estado brasileiro efetivamente republicano

Twitter e ciberativismo: o movimento social da hashtag #ForaMicarla em Natal-RN

The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

Entre a potência e o ato: atitudes políticas e percepções de mobilização em Natal e Porto Alegre

The recent democratic process in Brazil made it as element for its consolidation the idea of participation. It requires a state model that included on its agenda democratic society participation in decision-making process, and a society that has as a principle based participatory civic consciousness. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the level of political participation in two Brazilian state capitals , Natal and Porto Alegre. Data were obtained through quantitative data from the application of 384 questionnaires in both capitals. We chose some variables that will form the basis for our study; Duties of a good citizen, a good citizen rights, Confidence, Index of socialization, exposure to media, degree of interest in politics; Mobilization; Associations. Already qualitative research sought to address the political, cultural and institutional of the two municipalities

Sobre uma cultura do mal-estar com a política

The current dissertation has as its main object of study the malaise with politics phenomenon. To comprehend it, is carried out in this work a inquiry, in different stages of analysis, based in the empirical data raised by the research Os Processos Sociais de Recepção do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral , made by the Grupo de Estudos Mídia e Poder, of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, during the local elections of 2004 in the city of Natal. Based in the focus group technique, such research raised an ample set of information about the decoding process of the electoral television programs, made by six different groups of citizens from the popular classes. Beginning from the presuppose which such process is influenced by the representations about politics made by those subjects, we use that set of empirical information to inquiry not only the decoding, but that same representations which this process is based. In this way, we analyse, in one side, the globally contrary decoding which subjects made from a conforming code of opposition and, in the other, the structure of feeling which it s based, called structure of feeling of the malaise with politics. Such structure is compound by generating themes which expresses the contraposition about the institutionalized politics and, in the same time, a resignation about politics which fortifies the dominant groups hegemony. We support the thesis which this set of representations about politics is caused by the denial of rights frame which those subjects are immersed

Democracia Possível: espaços institucionais, participação social e cultura política

The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

Identidade e participação da comunidade rural nos processos de desenvolvimento local:desafios e competências do regulado de Nhambita-Moçambique

This thesis is defined as a reflection on the mechanisms of expression and insertion of the homo situs in the participatory governance in Mozambique. For a better understanding of this social fact, it was settled a periodization which covered the decline of colonialism at the time of the independence, which was proclaimed in June 1975, the civil war that lasted over 16 years and the period of the democratic State, further established. Therefore, we sought to understand the mechanisms and failures of the participation of the homo situs in local development projects that absorbed the needs and problems of these peasants, not mobilizing the skills and social competences of these communities. It would be essential for the homo situs a genuine democratic practice involving a political culture based on the social construction of the territories of the traditional man which was characterized by being procedural and historical, finding in participation its higher base. In this context, it would be desirable that the community development in Mozambique could contemplate and respect the choices of the homo situs. For this purpose, it would be fundamental the consistency between theory and practice, which builds and rebuilds, continually the competence of the peasants, facilitating the possibility of realization of their primordial aspirations. In the research, it became apparent that there is not a continuous process of participation of the rural communities, which appear as participants, only at the time of the implementation of the activities. Therefore, even having the participation of the communities expected by the law, with predictable moments of discussion and necessary conditions for that, the State failed to establish an ongoing process of democratic dialogue with traditional populations, as well as it failed to organize, properly, accurate informational bases to help solve the problems of rural areas. These facts have led to obstacles to the process of conquest of the human and civil rights of the traditional communities

Público e privado na formação social brasileira: velhas, novas e novíssimas tensões

O artigo procura traçar um quadro panorâmico de alguns momentos da história brasileira para tentar encontrar as determinações que fizeram com que a intersubjetividade e a 'eticidade' mergulhassem num padrão deletério e nele ficassem amarradas. Busca assim explicar a dificuldade quase crônica que a elite política brasileira tem de governar de modo republicano, ou seja, fazendo com que o interesse público prevaleça democraticamente sobre os interesses privados, sejam esses interesses os do dinheiro, do voto ou das corporações. Sem virtude pública constituída e sedimentada na sociedade e na cultura política, o Brasil cresceu com dificuldades para se aprumar em termos democráticos e republicanos. Mas é uma comunidade que se reconhece como tal, que compartilha uma cultura rica e expressiva, que bem ou mal tem um sistema político e de governo.

História e culturas políticas: as concepções jurídicas evocadas pelos governos militares enquanto instrumento de obtenção de legitimidade

Este artigo se propõe a analisar o período dos governos militares brasileiros (1964-1985) sob a ótica da cultura da legalidade. Pretendemos demonstrar como a tomada do poder político em 1964, longe de se caracterizar apenas pelo emprego da força e do arbítrio, foi pautada por um esforço jurídico, produzido com base numa determinada teoria do direito constitucional, com ênfase no pensamento de Carl Schmitt e Hans Kelsen.

Investigando a legitimidade: Estudo de atitudes de público em relação aos papéis do Estado e do mercado

Using data collected in nine countries - Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Czech Republic, Poland, Russian Federation, Finland, Germany and the USA - through the World Values Survey, the article analyses the validity of four variables with a supposed potential to evaluate the legitimacy level of the private sector vis-à-vis the public sector. This analysis in undertaken in the context of the discussions on the future of market reforms that were implemented in several countries in the past 20 years. The investigation adopted a two level strategy: first, the aggregated frequencies for the nine countries were analyzed, followed by a bivariate analysis aimed at verifying the internal consistency of the variables. The article concludes that the four variables under consideration do not compose a valid dimension capable of assessing the legitimacy of the public sector versus the private sector.

Women's contribution to equality in Latin America and the Caribbean

Includes bibliography

Old and new forms of citizenship

Includes bibliography

Orçamento participativo em Fortaleza/CE: construção de uma nova cultura política? (Gestão: PT – 2005 a 2008 e de 2009 a 2012)

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

Os projetos para o desenvolvimento da nação na Revista Cultura Política durante o Governo Vargas

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

Uma hora em comunhão com a Pátria: o canto orfeônico na atuação pedagógica da Professora Lúcia Gissi Ceraso na escola pública de Franca de 1950 a 1971

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)