Integrated governance: a possible solution for a sustainable private sector led development in Bangladesh?

In the quest for 'good governance', the developing countries have embarked on ambitious NPM style market-oriented reform policies mainly advocated by international development agencies (IDA) over the last two decades. Bangladesh has been pursuing decades of market-oriented reforms advocated by IDAs with the prime objectives of achieving an efficient, cost effective service delivery through increased involvement of the private sector. The shift towards marketisation has led to a complex, horizontal and networked structure of partnerships between state and non state actors. The private sector and NOOs are now delivering goods and services which were once the exclusive domain of the state. These changes have however, not been associated with changes in institutional arrangements, safeguards and regulation required to support the private sector led development, which is not sustained independently of the context in which it operates. Using the agriculture input sector as an exemplar, this paper explores the constraints of sustainable private sector led development. The paper argues that the main impediment to private sector led development in this sector centre on lack of good governance. In addition, lack of an integrated market structure, market information, capacity and awareness building are other factors that are inhibiting the private sector led development. We argue that a functional governance model is required in Bangladesh that engages the state, civil society and the private sector to work effectively in a participatory approach to deal with the constraints of private sector led development and for improving good governance.

Globalization, Agency, and Institutional Innovation: The Rise of Public-Private Partnerships in Global Governance

Public and private actors increasingly cooperate in global governance, a realm previously reserved for states and intergovernmental organizations (IOs). This trend raises fascinating theoretical questions. What explains the rise in public-private institutions and their role in international politics? Who leads such institutional innovation and why? To address the questions, this paper develops a theory of the political demand and supply of public-private institutions and specifies the conditions under which IOs and non-state actors would cooperate, and states would support this public-private cooperation. The observable implications of the theoretical argument are evaluated against the broad trends in public-private cooperation and in a statistical analysis of the significance of demand and supply-side incentives in public-private cooperation for sustainable development. The study shows that public-private institutions do not simply fill governance gaps opened by globalization, but cluster in narrower areas of cooperation, where the strategic interests of IOs, states, and transnational actors intersect.

Global governance in the collective interest : between complex multilateralism and networked governance

This paper navigates the theoretical landscape between the concepts of Robert O’Brien et al’s ‘Complex Multilateralism’ and Anne-Marie Slaughter’s ‘Networked Governance’ to make both an empirical and normative argument about the practices of Global Governance. By incorporating state and non-state actors, as well as overlapping international regimes and institutions in the practices of Global Governance, this paper argues that the transition from traditional multilateralism, based almost solely on the activity of states, towards varying degrees of complex multilateralism is both clearly evident and gathering pace. A stronger form of complex multilateralism would appear to be heading towards what Slaughter describes as ‘Networked Governance’ that would see a rejection of a centralized approach to global governance. The paper takes this concept into consideration and maps out how this may, or may not, be an effective approach to Global Governance.

Drawing lines in the sea : the laws that govern traffic on the world’s oceans can be as difficult to shape as water

Since World War II, however, the term has increasingly referred to law enforcement operations, as a means to enforce trade sanctions, to prevent the movement of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), and particularly in the Caribbean Sea, to prevent the smuggling of illicit drugs. Such ambiguity should allow flexibility when deciding whom should be targeted, as well as allowing states with veto powers in the UN Security Council, which may legitimately ship nuclear weapons and materials, to avoid being targeted as long as they do not export WMDs to rogue states or non-state groups or individuals.2 The ISPS Code was created under the auspices of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and is part of the 1974 Safety of Life at Sea Convention (SOLAS) concerning the safety of merchant ships.

An international society - if you can keep it...

This paper is a defense of the ideal of an international society of sovereign states in an era of growing challenges to its practice. However, in order to defend the ideal of international society in an era of growing threats to the practice of this ideal, particularly in the forms of transnational harm, graphic interstate inequality, revisionist non-state actors and confrontational US foreign policy, I agree with those scholars that the theory of international society needs to be revised. While the English School (ES), also referred to as Rationalism, has examined and defended the ideal of an international society, the current problems facing the society of sovereign states require us to rethink the conceptual tools of the ES. While this paper defends the desirability of a society of sovereign states, I argue that that the pluralist-solidarist divide invites us to make ultimately unhelpful choices about ethics and politics within contemporary world politics. Consequently, I am going to propose that rather than concentrating on the ends that such a society ought to uphold, we ought to concentrate on the ways in which an international society could be sustained and the roles that individuals could play in the contemporary constitution of a robust international society.

Contemporary security and strategy

This chapter raises the following main points:
• The study of security has experienced a series of debates around the nature of the threats to security.
• The early security scholars, as distinct from those who studied strategy and warfare, took a broad approach and argued that military and non-military means could achieve security.
• During the Cold War the study of security focused on the most pressing security issue of the day – the nuclear standoff between the two superpowers.
• In the post-Cold War era the broader approach to the study of security returned to the fore and included non-state actors and non-traditional sources of insecurity.

Acting alone to act together: diversifying approaches to North Korea

Strategic discussions about North Korea’s proliferation comprise a number of dimensions. The core assumption underlying this article is that the ideational aspects of North Korea’s decision making are important and give rise to a range of strategic considerations. This is not to underplay the strategic, materialist elements in North Korea’s provocative and at times belligerent behaviour. Rather, it is to argue that Australia is well placed to concentrate on the social dimensions of strategic discussions. As a less important middle power, a regional player, yet geographically distant from the threat, Australia is in a position to provide a point of differentiation from other, more entrenched players such as the United States or the Republic of Korea (ROK). A good starting point for developing this sort of engagement is to enhance non-state, track two cooperation between the two countries, which has been stalled since the early 2000s. In this article I will first canvass the ongoing debate taking place in Australian academic and policy circles regarding Australia’s place in the world. Of particular concern, is the question how Australia should balance its most important strategic relationship – that with the United States – with geographic and economic realities. I then sketch some of the limitations of current thinking, concentrating particularly on discourse that portrays North Korea as a rogue state and finish with a discussion of how non-state activity can act as a helpful precursor to more constructive relationships between states, and the types of creative engagement strategies currently taking place in the United States, despite the volatile political environment.

The ‘great unwatched’ and the ‘lightly touched’: surveillance and stock market fraud

This chapter examines financial corporate crime, specifically the discontinuitiesand asymmetries in power that condition the differential uses of surveillance andsurveillance technologies in the governance of stock market fraud. It studiesstate and non-state control ('rule at a distance') (Rose and Miller 1992), theresistance practiced by the powerful economic actors who make up national andinternational equity trading markets, and the control efforts of regulatory agenciescharged with preventing, regulating and enforcing laws to counter stockmarket crime. At a theoretical level the study critiques the claims of surveillanceliteratures that technologically mediated surveillance, 'the new transparency',renders all social fields visible, and therefore knowable, manageable and governable(Haggerty and Ericson 2000), by documenting and interrogating how codeis used by powerful bankers, lawyers, accountants and stock brokers to construct'visibility covers' (Williams 2008: 1; Snider 2009; Braithwaite 2005).

China and technical global internet governance: Beijing’s approach to multi-stakeholder governance within ICANN, WSIS and the IGF

Since the late 1990s, the Chinese government has engaged in a process of attempting to reform the technical global internet governance regime, which is currently dominated by the US government and non-state actors. This article aims to contribute to the literature on Beijing’s approach to this issue by providing a detailed empirical account of its involvement in a few core regime organisations. It argues that Beijing’s reform approach is guided by its domestically derived preferences for strong state authority and expanding China’s global power, but that its reform efforts are unlikely to succeed based on countervailing structural hard- and soft-power factors.

Urban social insurance and worker satisfaction in China: Implications for India

This paper draws on a unique survey of urban employees in Jiangsu that was designed to assist analysis of workers' satisfaction with the urban social insurance scheme in China, and sheds light on whether workers in the urban non-state sector are satisfied with the level of social insurance coverage and whether their perceptions compare favourably with workers in the state-owned sector. It also discusses the globalisation and social protection debate in India and draws implications for the Indian experience from both our perception research and China's experience with urban social insurance reform more generally.

Does banks’ dual holding affect bank lending and firms’ investment decisions? Evidence from China

This study investigates the effect of banks’ dual holding on bank lending and firms’ investment decisions using a sample of listed firms in China. We find that dual holding leads to easier access to bank loans, a result that is more pronounced for non-state-owned enterprises (non-SOEs) than SOEs. We also find that dual holding distorts banks’ lending decisions and harms the investment efficiency for SOEs, while resulting in optimal lending decisions and enhanced investment efficiency for non-SOEs. For non-SOEs, further analysis suggests that optimal lending decisions and efficient investment can be achieved for firms with higher ownership concentration, and firms in which the family and foreign investors are the controlling shareholders. We argue that, in emerging markets, whether a bank plays a monitoring role by directly holding the debt and equity claims of companies relies heavily on whether the potential collusion between firm executives and bank managers can be averted, which in turn is determined by the firms’ governance framework and ownership structure.

The creation of international commercial law: Sovereignty felled?

The creation of international commercial law presents an interesting paradox for proponents of sovereignty in international law. Indeed, it could be argued that the creation of international commercial law is the vanishing point of sovereignty in that nation states are becoming increasingly less important in the creation of international commercial law with the growth of regional organizations, non-state actors, and international arbitration. This is spurred on by the march of globalization and the consequent need for international commercial law. The term "harmonization" will be used as a surrogate to discuss the creation of international commercial law, as it is the primary means by which international commercial law is created. This article seeks to chart this trend and show that nation states are being marginalized and will become significantly less relevant as more and more international legal instruments are created. In Part II, I paint the landscape against which the process is evolving; in Part III, I will demonstrate the growing role of regional endeavors at harmonization; and in Part IV, I will attempt to draw broad themes that establish that nation states will increasingly have a secondary role in the creation of international commercial law.

New trends in the making of international commercial law

This paper analyzes trends in the making of international commercial law including the impetus for generating conventions, the growth of regional conventions, and soft law.There has never been a better time to be an international commercial law scholar. After decades of being held hostage to state-centered ideas, international commercial law has finally broken through to become more solution oriented. Increasingly, nation states are becoming less important in the creation of international commercial law with the growth of regional organizations, non-state actors, and international arbitration. This is spurred on by the march of globalization and the need for international commercial law. The term "harmonization will be used as a surrogate to discuss the creation of international commercial law as it is the primary means by which international commercial law is created. This article seeks to explore two preponderant trends that have become visible in the making of international commercial law. In Part I, I shall describe the background. In Parts II and III, I will highlight the growing role of regional endeavors at harmonization, and the rise of non-binding instruments.

From Darfur to Sinai to Kashmir: Ethno-religious conflicts and legalization

This paper attempts to examine agreements between two high conflict states - India and Pakistan - in comparison with those between parties characterized by high degrees of conflict along ethnic and religious lines, from a theoretical perspective with a view to determining if legalization has any correlation between the commitments embodied in agreements between such states and the degree of compliance. For purposes of comparison, I examine the historic agreement between Israel and Egypt, and the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) as exemplars of similar conflicts where legalization has salience. I adopt the lens of legalization articulated by Abbott, et al, and bring recent advances from the intersection of international relations theory and international law to the design and structuring of agreements between states beset by persistent hostilities. I analyse agreements between India and Pakistan, Israel and Egypt, and the Darfur Peace Agreement, to demonstrate that agreements that are high on the precision-obligation-delegation matrix enjoy higher degrees of success than those that are low on this matrix when concluded between high conflict states. I conclude by arguing that India and Pakistan should aim for hard legalization to solve the Kashmir dispute, and that they must learn from the painful experience of the Darfur Peace Agreement and include non-state actors as signatories to any agreement.

China & technical global internet governance: from norm-taker to norm-maker?

 This dissertation examines Chinese engagement with core norms structuring technical global internet governance. It finds that China has been a norm-taker globally, but more of a norm-maker both regionally and domestically. Beijing seeks to restrict US government and non-state actor authority, but cannot due to limited support and power constraints.