224 resultados para neoclassical


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We present a neoclassical model of capital accumulation with frictional labour markets. Under standard parameter values the equilibrium of the model is indeterminate and consequently displays expectations-driven business cycles – so-called endogenous business cycles. We study the properties of such cycles, and find that the model predicts the high autocorrelation in output growth and the hump-shaped impulse response of output found in US data – important features that existing endogenous real business cycle models fail to explain. The indeterminacy of the equilibrium stems from job search externalities and does not rely on increasing returns to scale as in most models.

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The internalisation theory of the multinational enterprise is a significant intellectual legacy of Ronald Coase. US direct investment in Europe became highly political in the 1960s, and neoclassical trade theory had no explanation. A theory of the multi-plant enterprise was required, and internalisation theory filled this gap. Using Coasian economics to explain the ownership of production plants, and the geography of trade to explain their location, internalisation theory offered a comprehensive account of MNEs and their role in the international economy. This paper outlines the development of the theory, explains the Coasian contribution, and examines in detail the early work of Hymer, McManus and Buckley and Casson. It then reviews the current state of internalisation theory and suggests some future developments.

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Neste trabalho avaliamos, sob a Ûtica macroeconÙmica, o custo do atraso educacional brasileiro. Utilizamos uma vers„o do modelo de crescimento neocl·ssico com formulaÁ„o minceriana para o capital humano no qual, para uma parametrizaÁ„o apropriada, simulamos o impacto sobre os agregados macroeconÙmicos de um perÖl factÌvel de gasto em educaÁ„o com gastos sistematicamente maiores a partir de 1933. Gastos mais elevados permitiriam matrÌculas adicionais no ensino p˙blico e a maior escolaridade da populaÁ„o aumentaria a produtividade do trabalho, impactando sobre os agregados macro. Dessa forma, esta abordagem requer o valor de gastos por aluno, de modo que reproduzimos aqui o n˙mero anual de matrÌculas iniciais nos trÍs nÌveis de ensino (prim·rio, secund·rio e terci·rio), a taxa de matrÌcula bruta para cada um desses nÌveis de 1933 a 2005 e uma sugest„o de c·lculo de uma sÈrie histÛrica de gastos em educaÁ„o para o referido perÌodo. Seguindo esta abordagem, o PIB em 2004, por exemplo, poderia ser sido atÈ 27% maior do que o observado. Uma outra quest„o que buscamos responder nesse trabalho È o impacto sobre os agregados macroenÙmicos da universalizaÁ„o dos ensinos prim·rio e secund·rio j· nos anos 50 e 60. Embora tal polÌtica pudesse ter levado a um produto 26% maior em 2004, esta requeriria investimentos substanciais em educaÁ„o, algo superior a 10% do PIB de 1958 a 1962, por exemplo.

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The neoclassical growth model with two sectors in production is employed in this paper in order to investigate how a change in the tax structure affects informality and welfare. We calibrate and simulate the model and find that welfare always increases when we reduce the tax rate on the demand for labor and adjust the tax rate on the value added so that the government revenue remains constant.

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We estimate and test two alternative functional forms, which have been used in the growth literature, representing the aggregate production function for a panel of countries: the model of Mankiw, Romer and Weil (Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1992), and a mincerian formulation of schooling-returns to skills. Estimation is performed using instrumental-variable techniques, and both functional forms are confronted using a Box-Cox test, since human capital inputs enter in levels in the mincerian specification and in logs in the extended neoclassical growth model.

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Latin America is the region that bears the highest rates of inequality in the world. Deininger and Squire (1996) showed that Latin American countries achieved only minor reductions in inequality between 1960 and 1990. On the other hand, East Asian countries, recurrently cited in recent literature on this issue, have significantly narrowed the gap in income inequality, while achieving sustained economic growth. These facts have triggered a renewed discussion on the relationship between income inequality and economic growth. According to the above literature, income inequality could have an adverse effect on countries’ growth rates. The main authors who spouse this line of thinking are Persson and Tebellini (1994), Alesina and Rodrik (1994), Perotti (1996), Bénabou (1996), and Deininger and Squire (1996, 1998). More recently, however, articles were published that questioned the evidence presented previously. Representatives of this new point of view, namely Li and Zou (1998), Barro (1999), Deininger and Olinto (2000) and Forbes (2000), believe that the relation between these variables can be positive, i.e., income inequality can indeed foster economic growth. Using this literature as a starting point, this article seeks to evaluate the relation between income inequality and economic growth in Latin America, based on a 13-country panel, from 1970 to 1995. After briefly reviewing the above articles, this study estimates the per capita GDP and growth rate equations, based on the neoclassical approach for economic growth. It also estimates the Kuznets curve for this sample of countries. Econometric results are in line with recent work conducted in this area – particularly Li and Zou (1998) and Forbes (2000) – and confirm the positive relation between inequality and growth, and also support Kuznets hypothesis.

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The paper, first, summarizes Latin American structuralism, and offers reasons why it was so influential and durable in the region, as it attended to real demands, and was part of 1950s’mainstream economics. Second, says why, with 1980s’Great Crisis, structuralism eventually ended itself into crisis, as it was unable to keep pace with historical new facts, particularly with the industrial revolution or takeoff, that made Latin American economies intermediary, still developing, but fully capitalist. Third, it lists the consensus that today exists on economic development. Forth, opposes “official orthodoxy” to “developmental populism”, the former deriving from neoclassical economics, the later from structuralism, and offers, in relation to six strategic issues, a progressive development alternative.

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Economic theory deals with a complex reality, which may be seen through various perspectives, using different methods. Economics’ three major branches – development economics, macroeconomics, and microeconomics – cannot be unified because the former two use preferentially a historical-deductive, while the later, an essentially hypothetical-deductive or aprioristic method. Smith, Marx and Keynes used an essentially the method of the new historical facts, while Walras, an aprioristic one to devise the neoclassical general equilibrium model. The historical-deductive method looks for the new historical facts that condition the economic reality. Economic theory remains central, but it is more modest, or less general, as the economist that adopt principally this method is content to analyze stabilization and growth in the framework of a given historical phase or moment of the economic process. As a trade off, his models are more realistic and conducive to more effective economic policies, as long as he is not required to previously abandon, one by one, the unrealistic assumptions required by a excessively general theory, but already starts from more realistic ones

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Corruption is a phenomenon that plagues many countries and, mostly, walks hand in hand with inefficient institutional structures, which reduce the effectiveness of public and private investment. In countries with widespread corruption, for each monetary unit invested, a sizable share is wasted, implying less investment. Corruption can also be a burden on a nation’s wealth and economic growth, by driving away new investment and creating uncertainties regarding private and social rights. Thus, corruption can affect not only factors productivity, but also their accumulation, with detrimental consequences on a society’s social development. This article aims to analyze and measure the influence of corruption on a country’s wealth. It is implicitly admitted that the degree of institutional development has an adverse effect on the productivity of production factors, which implies in reduced per capita income. It is assumed that the level of wealth and economic growth depends on domestic savings, foster technological progress and a proper educational system. Corruption, within this framework, is not unlike an additional cost, which stifles the “effectiveness” of the investment. This article first discusses the key theories evaluating corruption’s economic consequences. Later, it analyzes the relation between institutional development, factor productivity and per capita income, based on the neoclassical approach to economic growth. Finally, it brings some empirical evidence regarding the effects of corruption on factor productivity, in a sample of 81 countries studied in 1998. The chief conclusion is that corruption negatively affects the wealth of a nation by reducing capital productivity, or its effectiveness.

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As reformas econômicas implementadas pelos países da América Latina a partir da segunda metade dos anos 1980 mudaram em definitivo o panorama da região. Os principais objetivos dessas medidas foram promover a recuperação econômica e gerar condições para o crescimento sustentado. De maneira a avaliar os efeitos das reformas sobre o desempenho econômico dos países e, principalmente, sobre a taxa de crescimento, muitos trabalhos recentes se dedicaram ao tema. Esta dissertação se enquadra nessa linha de pesquisa acerca dos efeitos das reformas sobre o crescimento das economias latino-americanas. O foco, entretanto, não fica restrito à avaliação do impacto sobre o produto per capita desses países. Os determinantes fundamentais do produto são igualmente considerados: produtividade total e parcial de fatores e acumulação de capital. De forma a empreender tal investigação, partiu-se de uma base teórica de modelos neoclássicos de crescimento. O caráter institucional das reformas permitiu complementar esse arcabouço conceitual com elementos de modelos que incluem variáveis de natureza institucional no rol dos determinantes do produto per capita. Assim, a abordagem empregada na dissertação possibilitou testar de que forma essas medidas, vistas como mudanças institucionais, afetaram as variáveis de interesse, algo que não havia sido tratado de forma satisfatória pela literatura. A análise econométrica desenvolvida com base em um painel de 17 países latino americanos no período entre 1970 e 1995, considerados subperíodos de cinco anos, revelou que as cinco áreas de reforma consideradas - abertura comercial, liberalização da conta de capital, privatização e reformas financeira e tributária - tiveram um impacto positivo sobre o produto per capita. Além disso, a investigação empírica indicou ter sido o efeito positivo sobre a produtividade do capital físico o principal canal pelo qual as reformas promoveram o crescimento dessas economias. Há evidências de que o efeito sobre a acumulação de capital também se constituiu em um canal importante.

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O Estado e o mercado são instituições complementares. O Estado é a instituição principal que coordena as sociedades modernas; é o sistema constitucional e a organização que o garante; é o principal instrumento através do qual as sociedades democráticas estão moldando o capitalismo de modo a alcançar seus próprios objetivos políticos. Os mercados são instituições baseadas na competição, regulada pelo Estado para que contribuam com a coordenação da economia. Enquanto o liberalismo emergiu no século 18 para combater o estado autocrático, desde os anos 1980 o neoliberalismo (uma distorção maior do liberalismo econômico) tornou-se dominante e montou um assalto ao estado em nome do mercado, mas eventualmente também atacou o mercado. A macroeconomia neoclássica e a teoria da escolha pública foram as meta-ideologias que deram a esse assalto um apelo ‘científico’ e matemático.

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A performance das empresas, contrariamente ao que prevê o modelo econômico neoclássico, apresenta grande heterogeneidade. A disciplina de estratégia empresarial, em especial, tem se preocupado em entender esta heterogeneidade, explicá-la e prevê-la. As diversas correntes do pensamento estratégico apresentam diferentes abordagens para isto. Uma noção fundamental neste processo é o conceito de vantagem competitiva. Este trabalho inspira-se nas análises de componentes de variância de performance para propor uma definição mais precisa de vantagem competitiva e uma métrica para medi-la e compará-la. A métrica proposta é aplicada a uma amostra de empresas brasileiras.

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The 2008 global financial crisis was the consequence of the process of financialization, or the creation of massive fictitious financial wealth, that began in the 1980s, and of the hegemony of a reactionary ideology, namely, neoliberalism, based on selfregulated and efficient markets. Although capitalism is intrinsically unstable, the lessons from the stock-market crash of 1929 and the Great Depression of the 1930s were transformed into theories and institutions or regulations that led to the “30 glorious years of capitalism” (1948–77) and that could have avoided a financial crisis as profound as the present one. It did not because a coalition of rentiers and “financists” achieved hegemony and, while deregulating the existing financial operations, refused to regulate the financial innovations that made these markets even more risky. Neoclassical economics played the role of a meta-ideology as it legitimized, mathematically and “scientifically”, neoliberal ideology and deregulation. From this crisis a new capitalism will emerge, though its character is difficult to predict. It will not be financialized but the tendencies present in the 30 glorious years toward global and knowledge-based capitalism, where professionals will have more say than rentier capitalists, as well as the tendency to improve democracy by making it more social and participative, will be resumed.

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The present dissertation has as main purpose to discuss the relations between growth and income distribution. First, I show how c1assical, neoclassical and keynesian tradicional approaches point to the existence of a trade-off between growth and income distribution. After that, three different models were presented based on Bresser Pereira (1986), Lucas (1988), and Dutt (1984,1987) and Amadeo (1986). These models allow the conc1usion that there is not a necessary trade-offbetween growth and income distribution, We also present a hyphothesis that this relation depends on the levei of economic development of a country. In the ealier stages of development, the trade-off exists, but, since the country reaches more advanced stages of development, this relation changes and the presence of a high income concentration pattern becomes an adicional barrier to development

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O texto faz uma análise da teoria e da retórica de Douglass North. Após discutirmos as propostas em três de seus principais livros - 1973, 1981 e 1990 - testamos a hipótese que motivou o estudo. Ao fazer uma análise retórica de North, procuramos mostrar como o autor construiu um aparato institucional deliberadamente - talvez até de forma questionável - complementar à teoria neoclássica. Após uma breve discussão acerca da originalidade do que propõe, concluímos o trabalho com um destaque para a importância retórica no sucesso de suas idéias entre os economistas.