220 resultados para kansanperinne - albanialaiset - Kosovo


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Reprint edited by Milovan Ćurčić.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Despite a significant expansion of the literature on conflicts and fragility of states, only a few systematic attempts have been made to link the theoretical literature on social conflicts to the available micro-level information about the people who are involved in these conflicts. We address this lacuna in the literature using a household-level data set from Kosovo. Our analysis suggests that it is individually rational for competing ethnic communities, Kosovar Albanians and Kosovar Serbs, to resist a quick agreement on a social contract to share the region's resources.

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Kosovo is a war-torn corner of the former Yugoslavia, where a civil war between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs raged during most of the 1990s. We examine the incidence and depth of poverty and some of its correlates in post-conflict Kosovo using the Living Standards Measurement Survey.

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Using the Living Standards Measurement Study (LSMS) household survey from post-conflict Kosovo, we investigate the comparative economic well-being of Serbs and Albanians. An Oaxaca decomposition shows Serb households are both better endowed with income generating characteristics, such as education, and receive higher returns to these characteristics than Albanian households. Despite these advantages, Serb households have lower living standards, on average, than Albanian households. Most of the difference in living standards between Serb and Albanian households is due to unobserved non-economic factors. This result has serious implications for the political economy of policymaking in post-conflict Kosovo.

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The issues of Kosovo intependence and European Union membership have dominated Serbian domestic politics and foreign policy since the fall of Slobodan Milosevic in 2000. Despite the lack of formal conditionality on the Kosovo issue, Serbia's isnsitence on its uncompromising 'no recognition' Kosovo policy has been detrimental to its EU candidacy aspirations. This article examines Serbia's Kosovo policies in the context of EU integration, examining in particular the divergence between SErbia's stance towards Kosovo and its aspirations towards EU candidacy.

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This article examines environmental governance in Kosovo, with a particular focus on the energy sector. The article considers the degree to which the emerging model of environmental governance is characterised by hierarchical and non-hierarchical modes of coordination. We examine the roles of a number of domestic institutions and actors – ministries, agencies, and regulatory bodies– and the influence of external actors, including the EU, the US, and Serbia. The EU is building Kosovo’s own hierarchical governance capacity by strengthening domestic institutions, whilst the US focuses primarily on market liberalization, whilst simultaneously supporting EU efforts. Moreover, environmental policy change is not wholly or predominantly driven by domestic actors, which can partly be attributed to Kosovo’s limited domestic sovereignty. We conclude that the emerging model of environmental governance in Kosovo is characterized by a weak hierarchy, partly as a result of external actor involvement, which disincentivises the government from responding to domestic non-state actor pressure.

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This article explores the new institutionalist literature in political economy in the context of Kosovo's contested statehood, focusing on institutional arbitrage and legitimacy. This article considers both the consequences of institutions for actors' behaviour and the norms that shape this, as well as the factors determining the legitimacy of institutions. In doing so, it combines the new institutionalist theory with documentary and interview material collected during research on energy regulation in one contested state, Kosovo. Rather than singling out one particular variety of "new institutionalism", the article attempts to blend insights from historical (or "political"), rational choice, and sociological institutionalism. © 2014 © 2014 Taylor & Francis.

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This article examines European Union (EU) approaches to the question of human rights violations in Kosovo before and after its proclamation of independence, in February 2008. While the 1999 NATO-led humanitarian intervention in the region was often justified as necessary due to the continuous abuses of human rights, perpetrated by the Serbian forces against the ethic Kosovo Albanians, the post-interventionist period has witnessed a dramatic reversal of roles, with the rights of the remaining Serbian minority being regularly abused by the dominant Albanian population. However, in contrast to the former scenario, the Brussels administration has remained quite salient about the post-independence context – a grey zone of unviable political and social components, capable of generating new confrontations and human rights abuses within the borders of Kosovo. Aware of this dynamic and the existing EU official rhetoric, it is possible to conclude that the embedded human rights concerns in Kosovo are not likely to disappear, but even more importantly, their relevance has been significantly eroded.

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Objective: The main objective of this study was to assess the knowledge and attitude among Pharmacy students of the University of Prishtina in regards to the antibiotics. Methods: 144 pharmacy students at the University of Prishtina were recruited in this study to complete a self-administered questionnaire. The total number of questions in this questionnaire was eight (8), covering two (2) major themes: self-report of the current and past antibiotic use and behavior; and anticipated prescription behavior of antibiotics upon graduation. The data was statistically analyzed through using SPSS for Windows. Descriptive analysis was employed, and the results were expressed in frequency and percentages. Results: The results showcased a good knowledge of antibiotic among students. The most common answer of students' knowledge about antibiotics was good or moderate (82 %), while 63.2% of the subjects used antibiotics by self-decision, most of them (45 %) for sore throat. Upon graduation, 56.9 % of the students will not sell antibiotics without prescription and 85.4% think that module for rational use of antibiotics is very necessary to be inside the pharmacy syllabus. Conclusion: The study showed good and moderate knowledge of pharmacy students regarding the antibiotics. Half of them use antibiotics by self-decision but the majority of them stated that they will not serve the antibiotics without medical prescription. Specific modules and training for proper antibiotic use should be implemented within the Pharmacy program in The Faculty of Medicine.

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O Teatro de Operações Kosovo localiza-se numa região caraterizada por séculos de confluência de rotas comerciais, culturas, etnias e religiões distintas e que, por essa e outras razões tem sido assolada por inúmeros conflitos. Numa fase pós Guerra Fria, as forças internacionais, dada a escalada da violência, intervieram neste cenário integrando também forças portuguesas, entre as quais e por diversas vezes, o 1º Batalhão de Infantaria Mecanizado. Desde o início desta intervenção, desde os finais da década de noventa, até à atualidade, o teatro de operações referido experimentou diversas alterações de cariz social, politico e étnico que se traduziram por vezes em conflitos e fenómenos violentos. Dada a intervenção portuguesa num ambiente de conflitualidade volátil e em permanente mutação, inserida no âmbito das Missões de Apoio à Paz, o trabalho de investigação desenvolvido assume como objetivo descrever as alterações ao nível do emprego do 1º Batalhão de Infantaria Mecanizado, para fazer face à tipologia Kosovo do período pós Guerra Fria (2000-2014). Pretende-se que estas alterações sejam compreendidas e interpretadas através da implementação de um modelo de análise baseado nos fatores de decisão militares1, que sistematiza e organiza informação constante em documentos resultantes de cada um dos empenhamentos abordados, bem como no depoimento de militares presentes nesses mesmos contextos, no período abordado. No que a este último aspeto concerne, a aplicação do método indutivo usando como instrumento de opção metodológica o Estudo de Caso, permite a recolha de dados qualitativos resultantes das respostas obtidas nas entrevistas semiestruturadas, a militares presentes no Kosovo no período compreendido entre 2000 e 2014. Após toda a investigação realizada, parecem ganhar evidência alterações ao nível do emprego do 1º Batalhão de Infantaria Mecanizado no TO Kosovo, evidências essas materializadas nos fatores Missão, Ameaça, Tarefas, Viaturas, Efetivo e Orgânica, como consequência quer das restruturações efetuadas da Kosovo Force (KFOR), quer das oscilações de conflitualidade inerentes ao próprio teatro, que, ao longo do lapso de tempo estudado, atravessou períodos de menor e maior estabilidade.

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En el interés de alcanzar la estabilidad y promover el mantenimiento de la paz internacional, la diplomacia preventiva nace como un concepto generador de estrategias encaminadas a actuar antes, durante y después del conflicto. El siguiente documento busca analizar el funcionamiento de los instrumentos de diplomacia preventiva empleados por las Naciones Unidas en la crisis de Kosovo de 1998 y 1999. Esta crisis surgida a raíz del conflicto entre el gobierno serbio y un movimiento disidente, conocido como el Ejército de Liberación Albano-Kosovar, que pretendía darle un perfil más autónomo al territorio y a la población albano-kosovar, reveló una serie de debilidades estructurales que sigue enfrentando este mecanismo en la resolución de conflictos étnicos al interior de los Estados.