942 resultados para intermedia agenda setting


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Therapists having a positive influence on patients is a common view of psychotherapy. There is, however, an influence of patients on therapists too, which has received less attention. The more restricted and rigid patients are, the more limited the interpersonal behavior of others with which the get along well. In line with social psychological, interpersonal and clinical models they try to bring the therapist into an interpersonal position which suits them well. With 60 patients, common strategies have been rated: Good mood, Positive feedback, Negative feedback, Agenda setting, Provoking a response from the therapist, Negative reports about third persons, Fait accompli, Supplication, Self-promotion, Avoidance of contents, und Emotional avoidance. The rating procedure, frequencies, and therapist reactions upon these patient strategies will be reported

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Community health workers (CHWs) are volunteers or paid members of communities that perform outreach, patient assistance, health education, and assist in navigation of healthcare system amongst other duties. The utilization of CHWs in hospital and community setting provides health benefits to their communities while reducing cost to the overall healthcare system. ^ The general population of Texas lacks adequate access to primary care. An important indicator of such a crisis is excessive usage of emergency department services in Texas, especially by the large minority population within the state. Also, unmanaged chronic diseases have been shown to be correlated with the excessive usage of emergency services. According to a recent survey of 25 Houston metropolitan area hospitals, almost 54% of the ER visits could have been resolved in primary care settings. A Galveston based study also indicated that the ER usage was higher amongst African-Americans and Latinos. Meanwhile, 28.5% of the total ER visits were made by Latinos from the surrounding areas (Begley et al., 2007). There is substantial evidence present which indicates enormous cost-savings that CHWs have produced in Texas and nationwide through reduction in unnecessary ER visits along with better management of chronic diseases (Fedder et al, 2003). ^ This paper provides an analysis regarding the need and importance for sustainable and stable sources of funding for Community health workers (CHWs) in Texas utilizing Kingdon's model of Agenda Setting as framework. The policy analysis is also aimed at reporting on the policy process and actions taken by Children at Risk to address this critical issue. Children at Risk, a Houston based advocacy organization, has created a legislative proposal that calls on the Texas Health and Human Commission to apply for a Medicaid §§1115 waiver to provide sustainable sources of funding for CHWs, Rep. John Zerwas sponsored HB 2244 bill and it was filed on March 3, 2011. The bill would affect the use of CHWs in Texas in two ways: 1) through the establishment and operation of a program designed to train and educate CHWs 2) by creating a statewide training and certification advisory committee. The advisory committee is required in the bill to submit recommendations for providing sustainable funding and employment for CHWs. The HB 2244 failed to move out of the House Public Health committee. However, HB2244 was amended into HB 2610 introduced by Representative Guillen. The House Bill 2610 is geared towards establishing a community-based navigator program in order to assist individuals applying for public assistance through the Internet. The House Bill 2610 was signed by the Governor and will be effective September 1, 2011.^

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How are different positions reconciled under decision making by consensus in international agreements? This article aims to answer this question. Consensus rule provides each participant a veto, which risks resulting in non-agreement. Taking ASEAN as a case study of international organizations that have adopted consensus rule as the main decision-making procedure, this article presents the chairship system as an analytical scheme to examine how different positions are or are not reconciled under consensus rule. The system is based on conventional knowledge regarding the chair in international conference, which can be defined as an institution where the role of the chair is taken by one member state in an international organization and plays a role in agenda-setting. The agenda-setting power given to the chair varies across organizations. This article assumes that the chair in ASEAN is given a relatively strong agenda-setting power to enable the chair to reach agreements and bias such agreements in its own favor.

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Este estudo investiga as convergências e as divergências na comunicação primária e na comunicação secundária do câncer de mama. Nós usamos um esquema interpretativo fornecido pela Análise de Enquadramento, Agenda Setting, Teoria do Aprendizado Social, Difusão de Inovações, Semiótica e conceito de Novidade na Ciência e no Jornalismo, para argumentar que cientistas e jornalistas comunicam as novidades da Ciência de modos diversos. Também tivemos como uma proposta secundária traçar um panorama histórico da Comunicação da Saúde, e sua evolução, considerando que a Comunicação empreendeu um esforço para legitimar um espaço de encontro com a Saúde, afirmando uma área de aplicação de teorias, princípios e técnicas comunicacionais, com o objetivo preciso de difundir e compartilhar informação, conhecimentos e práticas que contribuam para melhorar os sistemas de saúde e o bem-estar das populações. Através da análise dos dados de periódicos científicos e jornalísticos que divulgam o câncer de mama, nós encontramos apoio significante para nossas predições. As implicações destas diferenças entre a comunicação primária (interpares) e a comunicação secundária (público leigo) para a comunicação da saúde são discutidas, às vezes apresentando-se como convergências, às vezes como divergências. Quando bem esclarecidas e compreendidas, fazem avançar a Comunicação da Saúde, obtendo resultados positivos no bem-estar das populações, considerando que a origem das doen ças está, fundamentalmente, onde se entrelaçam o biológico e o social.(AU)

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Este estudo investiga as convergências e as divergências na comunicação primária e na comunicação secundária do câncer de mama. Nós usamos um esquema interpretativo fornecido pela Análise de Enquadramento, Agenda Setting, Teoria do Aprendizado Social, Difusão de Inovações, Semiótica e conceito de Novidade na Ciência e no Jornalismo, para argumentar que cientistas e jornalistas comunicam as novidades da Ciência de modos diversos. Também tivemos como uma proposta secundária traçar um panorama histórico da Comunicação da Saúde, e sua evolução, considerando que a Comunicação empreendeu um esforço para legitimar um espaço de encontro com a Saúde, afirmando uma área de aplicação de teorias, princípios e técnicas comunicacionais, com o objetivo preciso de difundir e compartilhar informação, conhecimentos e práticas que contribuam para melhorar os sistemas de saúde e o bem-estar das populações. Através da análise dos dados de periódicos científicos e jornalísticos que divulgam o câncer de mama, nós encontramos apoio significante para nossas predições. As implicações destas diferenças entre a comunicação primária (interpares) e a comunicação secundária (público leigo) para a comunicação da saúde são discutidas, às vezes apresentando-se como convergências, às vezes como divergências. Quando bem esclarecidas e compreendidas, fazem avançar a Comunicação da Saúde, obtendo resultados positivos no bem-estar das populações, considerando que a origem das doen ças está, fundamentalmente, onde se entrelaçam o biológico e o social.(AU)

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The thesis investigates if with the free news production, people who post information on collaborative content sites, known as interacting, tend to reproduce information that was scheduled for Tv news. This study is a comparison of the collaborative content vehicles Vc reporter, Vc no G1 and Eu reporter with TV news SBT Brasil, Jornal Nacional, Jornal da Record and Jornal da Band. We sought to determine whether those newscasts guide the collaborative platforms. The hypothesis assumes that Brazilian TV news have been building over time a credible relationship with the viewer, so it is possible to think that the interacting use the same criteria for selecting the broadcasts and reproduce similar information in collaborative content sites. The method used was content analysis, based on the study of Laurence Bardin and the type of research used was quantitative. This research concluded that, within a small portion of the universe surveyed, there are schedules of television news across the collaborative content.

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For more than a decade, bemoaning the many roadblocks to reforming important aspect of German politics has become commonplace. Explanations emphasize formal and informal veto points, such as the role of political institutions and the lack of elite and societal support for reform initiatives. Against this background, I was interested in factors that place policy issues on the political agenda and follow up with concrete courses of action; i.e., in factors that lead to a disentangling of the reform gridlock. I emphasize the importance of agenda setting in the emergence of higher education reform in Germany. Globalization, European integration and domestic pressures combined to create new pressures for change. In response, an advocacy coalition of old and new political actors has introduced a drawn-out and ongoing process of value reorientation in the direction of competition, including international competition, and greater autonomy. The result has been a burst of activities, some moderate, some more far-reaching in their potential to restructure German higher education.

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The policy of the European Union (EU) towards Taiwan has mostly been analysed either as a by-product of EU-China relations or with reference to the general lack of a European geopolitical approach towards East Asia. By adopting a lobbying approach which focusses on Taiwan’s different ‘channels of influence’ within the complex European foreign policy system in Brussels, this study provides new insights into the functioning of EU-Taiwan relations. It also sheds new light on the implications of the radical change in Taiwanese diplomacy after 2008, when Chen Shui-bian’s assertive and identity-based diplomacy was replaced with the Kuomintang’s new dogma of ‘workable diplomacy’. Based on semi-guided interviews with Taiwanese and European actors, this paper examines why Taiwanese lobbying in Brussels, albeit very active and professional, is not salient enough to meet the challenges arising from the overwhelming Chinese competition and from the increasing proliferation of regional trade agreements – with active EU participation – in the Asia-Pacific region. It argues that the pragmatic ‘workable diplomacy’ approach, while smoothing out working-level relations between Taiwan and the EU, fails to attract a sufficient degree of political and public attention in Europe to the Taiwan question and thus fosters the neglect of Taiwan by European foreign policy-makers. The main challenge faced by Taiwanese diplomacy, however, is not simply one of convincing through technical arguments, but one of agenda setting, that is, of redefining European priorities in Taiwan’s favour.

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The aim of the present article is to understand the dynamics underlying the birth, the development and the eventual failure of the Duff proposal of 2009-2012, an ambitious attempt to change the provisions governing the elections for the European Parliament. In particular, the way agenda-setting on electoral reform is shaped in the European Union will be analysed, trying to understand if the current stalemate on the issue can be explained in light of factors specific to the EU. The report presented by liberal MEP Andrew Duff at the beginning of the seventh legislature called on Member States to gather a Convention, in order to introduce fundamental improvements in the way Members of the European Parliament are elected. Among the envisaged changes, the creation of a pan-European constituency to elect twenty-five Members on transnational lists represented the most controversial issue. After having analysed its main elements, the path of the Duff report from the committee of Constitutional Affairs (AFCO) to the plenary will be analysed. It will be concluded that a sharp contrast exists between the way electoral issues are raised in the AFCO committee and the way the Parliament as a whole deals with them. Moreover, diverging interests between national delegations inside groups seem to play a decisive role in hampering electoral reform. While further research is needed to corroborate the present findings, the analysis of the Duff proposal appears to shed light on the different barriers that ensure electoral reform is taken off the agenda of the Union, and on the relative weight each of them carries.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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O tema desta dissertação é a cobertura jornalística especializada em política em portais na internet durante as eleições municipais de 2012 em Palmas, capital do estado do Tocantins. A importância do estudo está na abordagem da cobertura política regional em período de campanha eleitoral, pouco estudada em algumas cidades como na capital do Tocantins, e de um pleito recente, ocorrido no ano passado. Além disso, o estado (criado com a divisão de Goiás em 1988) possui um perfil político peculiar, com grupos rivais que se perpetuam no poder. O objetivo principal aqui é analisar as rotinas produtivas nesses suportes digitais em tempos de eleições, e como se dão as relações entre fontes e jornalistas especializados em cobertura política. Como referenciais teóricos são apresentados os conceitos do newsmaking, agenda-setting e gatekeepers no cenário da internet e do jornalismo político. Para a pesquisa houve a necessidade de utilizar abordagens quantitativa e qualitativa, com o uso das técnicas de análise de conteúdo e entrevistas semiabertas (ou semiestruturadas) com os jornalistas responsáveis pelos dois principais portais de notícias especializados em política, T1 Notícias e Portal CT, durante o período eleitoral municipal em 2012. O conteúdo analisado abrange as publicações nos portais no período de 19 de outubro a 08 de novembro, momento em que a campanha eleitoral foi mais acirrada entre os candidatos à prefeitura de Palmas. As principais conclusões são que as rotinas produtivas dos veículos sofreram grandes mudanças, com a criação de editoria especial para a cobertura, além de contratação de profissionais de redação para a produção de um volume expressivo de informações sobre as eleições. Alguns aspectos que influenciaram na produção noticiosa, por se tratar de veículos digitais, foram a necessidade de rapidez na geração da informação, além da concorrência entre os portais - e consequentemente da verba publicitária. A quantidade de fontes oficiais e o prestígio dos jornalistas responsáveis pelos portais estudados também interferiram na cobertura, especialmente porque as relações de poder na cidade se dão de maneira mais intensa e mais próxima. Outro destaque na conclusão é que os portais exploram pouco as características do webjornalismo, restringindo-se basicamente a textos, e deixando de usar a linguagem multimídia, a interatividade e o hipertexto.

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Este estudo investiga as convergências e as divergências na comunicação primária e na comunicação secundária do câncer de mama. Nós usamos um esquema interpretativo fornecido pela Análise de Enquadramento, Agenda Setting, Teoria do Aprendizado Social, Difusão de Inovações, Semiótica e conceito de Novidade na Ciência e no Jornalismo, para argumentar que cientistas e jornalistas comunicam as novidades da Ciência de modos diversos. Também tivemos como uma proposta secundária traçar um panorama histórico da Comunicação da Saúde, e sua evolução, considerando que a Comunicação empreendeu um esforço para legitimar um espaço de encontro com a Saúde, afirmando uma área de aplicação de teorias, princípios e técnicas comunicacionais, com o objetivo preciso de difundir e compartilhar informação, conhecimentos e práticas que contribuam para melhorar os sistemas de saúde e o bem-estar das populações. Através da análise dos dados de periódicos científicos e jornalísticos que divulgam o câncer de mama, nós encontramos apoio significante para nossas predições. As implicações destas diferenças entre a comunicação primária (interpares) e a comunicação secundária (público leigo) para a comunicação da saúde são discutidas, às vezes apresentando-se como convergências, às vezes como divergências. Quando bem esclarecidas e compreendidas, fazem avançar a Comunicação da Saúde, obtendo resultados positivos no bem-estar das populações, considerando que a origem das doen ças está, fundamentalmente, onde se entrelaçam o biológico e o social.(AU)

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Ashby wrote about cybernetics, during which discourse he described a Law that attempts to resolve difficulties arising in complex situations – he suggested using variety to combat complexity. In this paper, we note that the delegates to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) meeting in Kyoto, 1997, were offered a ‘simplifying solution’ to cope with the complexity of discussing multiple pollutants allegedly contributing to ‘climate change’. We assert that the adoption of CO2eq has resulted in imprecise thinking regarding the ‘carbon footprint’ – that is, ‘CO2’ – to the exclusion of other pollutants. We propose, as Ashby might have done, that the CO2eq and other factors within the ‘climate change’ negotiations be disaggregated to allow careful and specific individual solutions to be agreed on each factor. We propose a new permanent and transparent ‘action group’ be in charge of agenda setting and to manage the messy annual meetings. This body would be responsible for achieving accords at these annual meetings, rather than forcing this task on national hosts. We acknowledge the task is daunting and we recommend moving on from Ashby's Law to Beer's Viable Systems approach.

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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan's defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.

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The objective of this thesis is to understand how a certain social condition becomes relevant enough to be regarded as an issue worthy of government action and how certain proposed initiatives prevail while others are discarded. More specifically, the goal is to discuss public policy for education and check whether the analytical models employed are significant enough to explain how the literacy issue became part of the policy agenda of the government of the State of Ceará in Brazil, and how the Literacy Program at the Right Age (PAIC) developed over time. From the empirical perspective about public policy for education in Brazil, this is a relevant case when one takes into account that, historically, the literacy policies are focused on teenagers and adults, implying a lack of specific initiatives towards children at the proper age of learning to read and write. In order to understand what drove this issue to the top of the state government agenda, this thesis is primarily based on the literature about public policy analysis, with focus on the agenda setting process and development of proposals. A hybrid approach is used, combining analytical tools from Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Model (1995), the Advocacy Coalition Framework by Sabatier and Jenkins Smith (1993) and the historical new institutionalism lens. The research method is qualitative and based on the single case study method. The data set was assembled from institutional PAIC-related documents, tachygraphy notes from sessions at Ceará’s State House of Representatives, press clippings, academic studies and interviews with key participants from several organizations. The conclusion of this thesis is that, given the complexity of the case in point, the combination of the three analytical methods is adequate and necessary to understanding the multiple drivers for this issue to have entered Ceará’s state government agenda and the design of the PAIC itself. Particularly relevant are the ideas and the policy entrepreneurs, the processes of problem recognition for the composition of a wide coalition and for the specification of alternatives, and the path dependence of the education policy in Ceará. This study adds, as a result, to a better understanding of the stages that make up the agenda setting in public policy, in particular in the field of education.