328 resultados para dominação
Resumo:
Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar as práticas de polícia política empregadas pelo Departamento de Ordem Política e Social do Rio Grande do Sul (DOPS/RS) durante o período compreendido entre os anos 1964 a 1982 – da instauração da ditadura civil-militar de segurança nacional brasileira até a extinção do órgão – como evidências de práticas de terrorismo de Estado. Pretende-se, desta forma, estabelecer a relação entre a ação policial do DOPS/RS e as práticas de terror aplicadas sistematicamente por este órgão, ou seja, considerar as ações de polícia política como “práticas de terror”. A partir dessa compreensão, têm-se indícios de que, durante o período da ditadura brasileira, houve a montagem de um Estado de Segurança Nacional no qual o terror foi uma das formas de dominação política utilizadas, sendo importante lembrar que o terrorismo de Estado não se caracteriza somente pelas práticas repressivas – terror físico, ideológico e psicológico – mas também abrange outras esferas tais como as comunicações e a educação. Para o cumprimento de tais objetivos, este estudo está dividido em três capítulos, os quais apresentam um histórico do DOPS/RS, as mudanças efetivadas no órgão após o golpe contra-insurgente civil-militar de 31 de março de 1964 e as práticas a ele atribuídas, a fim de analisar como, a partir dessa data, começou um processo de militarização da burocracia policial – indício da própria militarização do Estado. Em seguida, analisam-se as práticas de polícia política aplicadas pelo departamento, tais como o seqüestro, o amaciamento, a tortura física e psicológica, o terror ideológico, a rentabilidade do sistema, o aniquilamento físico como política (as mortes diretamente relacionadas à ação do DOPS/RS) e as instituições de ensino como alvo essencial de repressão. Por fim, apresentam-se as redes internacionais de colaboração e cooperação entre o aparato repressivo da ditadura brasileira e o DOPS/RS com os demais regimes de segurança nacional do Cone Sul.
Resumo:
Dada a crescente estruturação das organizações permanentes em organizações temporárias, aqui representadas como projetos, há uma demanda proporcional por profissionais qualificados que atuem como os maestros dessas empreitadas – os gerentes de projetos (GP’s). Esta pesquisa de dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo estudar como diferentes traços psicodemográficos, à saber: gênero, etnia, orientação sexual e aparência física, impactam na vida e na progressão profissional do GP que os detenha, pela perspectiva deste profissional. Na busca por possíveis respostas para essa questão, percorremos a teoria procurando os subsídios necessários ao GP para exercer satisfatoriamente sua atividade e ascender na carreira. Vimos que as hard skills desses profissionais são desenhadas e enriquecidas por meio das metodologias e boas práticas trazidas pelas diversas associações internacionais de gestão de projetos. Todavia, as ações prescritivas dessas metodologias apenas delineiam os contornos mais amplos das soft skills. Este conjunto de habilidades se mostrou fundamental para o GP em seu trabalho, sendo empiricamente apreendido e enriquecido pela experiência prática. Ademais, a progressão na carreira de GP é percebida frente à crescente complexidade dos projetos à ele subordinados, como também é percebida ao enveredar por caminhos mais estratégicos e menos operacionais. Calçamos a pesquisa sobre a cultura brasileira, usada como arcabouço para entender como tais profissionais exercem suas relações de liderança, comunicação, respeito e colaboração para com seus stakeholders, ou seja, suas soft skills, e orquestram as atividades necessárias para a conclusão satisfatória de um projeto. Sobre tal base, buscamos entender possíveis preconceitos e barreiras impostas às diferentes psicodemografias para, em sequência, observar quais impactos são percebidos pelos GP’s no exercício de suas atividades, bem como na progressão de suas carreiras. Trouxemos do campo entrevistas com vários GP’s de diferentes psicodemografias. A análise do discurso nos emprestou o ferramental para estudar os dados de campo, e abarcar conclusões sustentadas pela base teórica. Como resultado, percebemos que a cultura brasileira ainda apresenta mecanismos de dominação encarnados por um grupo androcêntrico, etnicamente branco e heterossexual, com prescrições e normas sobre a aparência física. Vimos também que as soft skills são influenciadas pela cultura local, principalmente quando são exercidas por minorias rejeitadas pelo grupo dominante. Percebemos a existência de portas e tetos de vidro na vida profissional de um GP que encarne determinados traços psicodemográficos, bem como uma introjeção de tal lógica androcêntrica. Tais profissionais exercem suas funções com um custo maior do que aquele realizado por homens, brancos, heterossexuais e de boa aparência, bem como precisam se mostrar resilientes à tal dominação. As barreiras para o gênero feminino também se erguem quando a GP mulher, mesmo em um contexto de liderança de uma organização temporária, exerce a maternidade.
Resumo:
This work demonstrates important aspects of domestic work performed by adolescents between 16 and 18 years in residential spaces. This is to highlight the process of naturalization of invisibility, their source of insecurity and social exclusion, in view of the strong personal relationship of domination. Pointing out the relations of pseudo-affection that can obscure the exploitation of domestic labor. Highlight a preliminary discussion on the composition of social relations embedded in the context of domestic work, with emphasis on reflection on the condition of subordination of young domestic workers as a result of a process of socialization consists of relations of domination - gender and social class, resulting in formation of social identity-forming negative stigma. This paper results from a survey of the work of young maids, held in the city of Aracaju, whose main objective was to understand how they operated the differences and inequalities in the relations of domestic based, including information on adolescents' own. Fieldwork was conducted from August 2009 to January 2010 and data collection techniques were used oral history / life history, questionnaires and use of semi-structured interviews, as well as secondary data from PNAD / IBGE which formed the basis of comparative national situation and local context. It emphasizes the links of domestic work involving teenagers question the lifestyles of working class who are confronted by the various "systems" for each home, which leads to the development of adaptation strategies that make possible the coexistence of a stranger the house at the other. It focuses on how the work goes into their lives in terms of socialization offered by working families to their children's, and as this class habitus is adequate for the job market in domestic employment through a socialization process that sometimes opposes and now reinforces the practices and values seized in family socialization
Resumo:
The discourse about love, in the Western modern world, is an effect of the power that constructs bodies that matter, paraphrasing Butler, which represents a performative reiterarion of the domination drive, forming and ego of love through the imposition of a cultural super-ego. The domination, a real process of social constraint, is concomitant to its ideological secret, which lead us to the expression domideology , inspired by Sousa Filho, to determine the unconscious domination of the ideological discourse, Through a critical analysis of the bases of Freudian discourse about love, we question, inspired by Foucault, the sexual nature of the drive, to put it in a place insecure of critics to the substance metaphysics expression used by Nietzsche. In our point of view, the domination drive is a critical tool for the individual to think about, as interpellated by the love domideology , making believe the only interpretation of the social interchange is love, nuclear element of our modern Western love complex
Resumo:
El presente trabajo discute la Educación para la Ciudadanía en la Educación Superior, destacando los desafíos y las potencialidades de la Universidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte (UERN); que organiza su acción política y pedagógica conforme a las exigencias de la actual política educacional para este nivel de educación. Analiza la relación de ésta con la Educación Básica a partir del estudio del Proyecto Pedagógico del Curso de Ciencias Sociales discutiendo la educación para la ciudadanía y la formación ciudadana de los futuros profesores de la educación básica en consonancia con la LDB 9.394/96, con las Directrices Curriculares Nacionales para los cursos de Docencia y además para programas y políticas de orientación para la educación superior que resultaron de la conquistas de los movimientos sociales y que son propuestos por medio de las siguientes secretarías: Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (SECAD) y Secretaria de Educação Superior (SESu). La reflexión incluye el estudio de tales temáticas en el eje de temas emergentes que organizan el debate educacional, sobretodo en América Latina, y los desafíos de las universidades que actúan en el contexto de la periferia en la desconstrucción del dominio simbólico del colonialismo cultural y la construcción de la globalización alternativa y contra hegemónica a la globalización neoliberal. El estudio evidencia que la idea de ciudadanía en la sociabilización contemporánea presenta una ambigüedad política consecuente de los procesos de globalización creciente siendo necesario que la perspectiva de la educación para la ciudadanía adoptada en la formación de los profesionales de a educación sea re politizada a partir de la noción de ciudadanía colectiva y multicultural apoyada en los principios de democracia y justicia social, construida en las interfaces de la educación escolar y prácticas educativas en lo entorno social, y en los espacios políticos de organización y movilización colectiva en torno de las conquistas por los derechos civiles, sociales, políticos y culturales, y la inclusión de temas y valores emergentes en la educación que interligados e interdependientes, garanticen su efectividad
Resumo:
The main objective of the present research is to reflect on the affinities between post-colonial theories - analytical perspectives directed toward the discussion of colonialism and its effects on the contemporary social fabric - and Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire‟s (1921-1997) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, written at the end of the 1960‟s. The study aims to make the argument that the present reflections on the featured work is an example of a post-colonial theoretical framework, delineating a critical modus operandi of colonialism, particularly in its cultural and epistemic dimensions, delineating a problematization of the processes of cognitive domination set, above all, by the European colonization of the Latin American continent, with the formation of the modern-world-system (WALLERSTEIN, 2007), dated from the 16TH Century forward. From this stand point, and especially supported by the contributions of Boaventura de Sousa Santos on the sociology of absence, the present work accentuates Pedagogy of the Oppressed as a set of reflections that bring the possibility of a pedagogy of absence (SANTOS, 1996), having in mind that, this book deals with, the presuppositions of an educational action, which considers the plurality of knowledge and social practices by way of the establishment of a pedagogical practice of collective construction, emancipator and dialogic that arises from the encounter to the indolent reason (SANTOS, 2009) in which the silencing of the voices of the oppressed, construct their conditions of invisibility, promoting also the absence of the social questions inherent to the processes of teaching and learning. It is with this perspective, however, that post colonialism is considered a theoretical site for the affirmation and the reinvention of the Pedagogy of the Oppressed, an obligatory reference in the construction of a prudent knowledge for a decent life (SANTOS, 2006)
Resumo:
The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast
Resumo:
This thesis is a translation of work of the Brazilian doctor, Pedro da Silva Nava (1903-1984), in particular, his memoirs and chronicles, articulated with the writings of medicine history, aiming to defend that the autobiographical narratives are sources of research capable of promoting discussions on the expansion of the present at the confluence of complex and unequal society in constant changing process as the Brazilian. The theoretical and methodological support circulates around studies, proposals and thesis by Boaventura Santos about empowering past, destabilizing subjectivity, sociology of absences, cosmopolitan reason and translation work. The empirical support drawn from the literature produced by Nava were analyzed with reference this reasoning and studies that have facilitated the flow of translation among others, the studies of Antonio Candido, Arrigucci Jr., Boris Cyrulnik, Beatriz Sarlo, Ecléa Bosi, Ítalo Calvino, José Willington Germano, José Maria Cançado, Lev Vygotsky, Marilena Chauí, Paul Ricöeur and Walter Benjamim, without neglecting what we consider indispensable to scientific research, the production of relevant knowledge and prudent, in view of a decent life. The initial inflections reflect the subject of the Memoirs and its education/training, to then place the Memoir subject in the literary context, scientific, historical and Brazilian poetic (1972-2010), bringing great interpreters and discussing the rationale used by the Narrator that we defend stand closer to the cosmopolitan, showing the formation of narratives whose presence insert itself beforehand to modernist verve, linked to the discursive array against the literature as domination space, disseminated in Brazil in the early twentieth century. So, it articulate with those in which the concerns adjust the construction of the social formation of Brazil as a national heritage through literary narrative that focuses on a historical principle that becomes the past empowering, allowing his rereading, whose converge to memory, the lifestyles, the plurality of language and Brazilian culture, formed by several people, converging into a design not of culture but multiculturalism in Brazil. The memory issue was addressed in the space-time of experiences of being that narrates, shaped by a destabilizing subjectivity that sought to order the testimony of a time, a history and society, retelling them by creative imagination, almost fictional, to make circulate his knowledge about Brazil attached to his medical knowledge, as well as other subjects in his living group and other groups with whom they maintained contact. Thus, he portrayed both tangible and intangible cultural assets of the country as a form of preservation, giving them meanings and sense. It approaches, therefore, from the perspective of sociology of absences, the expansion of the present and by the logic inherent in his narratives of self and Brazil
Resumo:
The participation of women of more than 60 years of age in the social ritual of the creation of the Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Estadual ( Sustainable Development State Reserve ) at Ponta do Tubarão, in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, is the central object of this research. This work is an attempt to analyze the oral discourse of these women, to understand the historical participation in this ritual, pointing out the actions for dehistoricization that, in the Western world, take women out of the community scene making their roles less important or invisible as agents of social construction. The reflections that take place in this research, using as a starting point, the example of a traditional fishing community on the Brazilian coast, and denounce the mechanisms of male domination that try to silence their hábitus, such as: the discourse of power (that is responsible for the permanent division of sexual structures) and of the correspondent social and cultural division. The present research respects the oral discourse of the Elderly Women as a significant practice of community life in Diogo Lopes in Macau, Rio Grande do Norte. The creation of the community of RDSE in Ponta do Tubarão as an instrument for political and social management is also accepted here as a process conducted by various social actors that react to developmental threats that have interfered with and are still trying to interfere with the equilibrium of the regional ecosystem. The methodology used in the research is supported in the oral discourse of these women as social representations of a focus group, on which the method of the Análise do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo (DSC) ( Collective Subject Discourse Analysis ) is applied
Resumo:
In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital
Resumo:
The present study aimed to understand how and to what extent the electronic forró, currently hegemonic in the music market in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, establishes and maintains relations of domination in the social contexts in which it is produced, transmitted and received. Based, in significant form-content, on the writings of the first generation of theorists of the so-called Frankfurt School (Critical Theory), particularly with Theodor W. Adorno, and systematically using the contributions of the Cultural Studies (from the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies of Birmingham) and of the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, this study aimed to perform, in the fertile intersection of these references, a critical possibility of interpretation of the electronic forró predominantly spread in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. To this end, aiming at a better apprehension of the so-called capital circuits/culture circuits , this study resulted from a qualitative investment of research, based on structured interviews with musicians, entrepreneurs of the sector and music consumers, as well as on the analysis of the themes contained in the official discography of the electronic forró band called Garota Safada (Shameless Girl). As a general empirical conclusion, it was possible to infer that far from the significant presence of domination or mere prevalence of oppositions, there is a relational pluralism of forms of domination and ways of resistances present in the production and consumption of electronic forró, regardless of gender, age, income, education or place of residence. However, the artifices of the cultural industry has been shown to be efficient: from large-scale businessmen to small producers enabled by the so-called open markets . The currentness of the concept of cultural industry is based on the idea that its products are offered systematically (the systematic insistence of everything to everyone) and on the notion that its production primarily meets the administrative criteria of control over the effects on the receiver (capacity of prescription of desires). Thus, the Adornian reflection on the pseudo-individualization leads to the inference that even in some of the most apparent ways of negotiation and/or refusal regarding the consumption of forró, certain behaviors of the cultural industry still prevail both in the very (re)interpretation of the forró and in the choice of other music genres also standardized, rationalized and massified. Therefore, despite the absence of cause-effect relation and the recognition of the popular capacity of re-elaboration and contestation of the media consumption, some world views prevailing in relation to the electronic forró establish or, at least, support some hegemonic ideologies, especially those concerning the life style, consumption and genre relations (fun by all means). Therefore, due the massification of certain songs, some ways of dissemination of values, beliefs and feelings are potentially experienced from the electronic forró. So, it is presumable that in the current advance of the process of semiformation (Halbbildung), the habitus of a part of the youth from the state of Rio Grande do Norte reinforces and is reinforced by the centrality of the trinomial fun, love and sex present in the songs, emphasized in some constructive practices of sense and in certain flows of social significance
Resumo:
This study aims to analize the Cariri Paraibano territory, as a product of relations of power that were being established along its historic process of territory formation. In this process, the fragmentation and the territory management are fundamental elements to socioterritorial reality comprehension. The theoretical-conceptual basis is based on notions of territory, region, power and territory management, which are articulated to the opinions and empiric confirmations origined from interviews made with several social actions. They also were made photographical records and researches on books, newspapers and magazines, as well on other information sources related to the object of studying. Obtained data confirm the pressuposement on which the relations of dominations and the used methods by the power s owners in the region created a little fruitful political practice and little adequate to the process of active participation of the local population on the territory management, even being on disagreement with the new political-institutional mechanisms, which take to political-administrative more democratic and participative in the country
Resumo:
The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality
Resumo:
Recognizing the need to preserve a national ethnic minority, the Constitution, inspired by the pluralistic values of the Constitutional Law State, stipulated a series of rights and guarantees for the conservation of indigenous cultural singularity, disciplining in article 231 the Indians right to maintain their social organization, customs, languages, beliefs and traditions, as well as safeguarding the rights to the lands they traditionally occupy, and the exclusive use of the wealth existing in them, premise of ensuring their physical and cultural continuity, breaking decisively with the paradigm the assimilation of the Indian national civilization. However, despite the Indian policy of ethnic and cultural preservation, the Constitution allowed the exploitation of minerals in aboriginal territory, incorporated herein hydrocarbons, provided they meet certain predetermined requirements, leaving it to the legislature the discipline of ordinary matter. However, this law has not yet been published, with some projects in the National Congress, leaving thus precluding the indigenous subsurface oil exploration until the enactment of enabling legislation. Meanwhile, this paper carries out an integrated analysis of the constitutional protection of ethnic and cultural uniqueness of indigenous peoples, Convention Nº 169 of the International Labour Organization and the bill presented by Deputy Eduardo Valverde, in an attempt to consolidate sustainable development practices in the sector, through developing a system of social and environmental responsible oil exploration, aligning with national energy needs to maintain a balanced environment and preservation of socio-cultural organization of a minority so weakened and beaten over five centuries of domination
Resumo:
This work pursues to analyze the sanctions of restrictive nature, which are characterized by impeding the business of the contributor in debt. Such sanctions known as political sanctions, are truly understood as an indirect way of tax enforcement, liable to cause problems to the private entity in curtailing, the initiative freedom, opposing the Article 5°, item XIII and Article 170, single paragraph of CF/88. As the State gets the several means to assure the economic order effective performance, it is up to the State to restrain the economic power abuse that objects to the marketing domination, to the ending of competition, and arbitrary increasing of profits (CF Article 173, § 4ª.) Therefore, it depends on the state, besides maintaining the economic order, to ensure a fair distribution of tax burden and act under the command of the Democratic State of Law principles. In order to make the tax collection effective, specific in some cases, the administrative fiscal agent uses coercive, excessive, and institutional, in imposing sanctions which causes constraint, maculating the contributor s essential rights, that matters of the necessity to force the tax credit ending. The principle of the free initiative and free competition, which are intended to be analyzed in this study, comes from a constitutional context and it will be reviewed in its systematic relations and with another rules, in order to evidence, at the end, the occurrence of an intervention towards the economic order when the State makes do of political sanctions as a tool for the tax credit effectiveness, infringing the Tax and Constitutional principles