Anti-Americanism in Europe: Theoretical Mechanisms and Empirical Evidence

One of the most popular explanations for post-9/11 anti-Americanism argues that resentment against America and Americans is mainly a function of the US government’s unpopular actions. The present article challenges this interpretation: first, it argues that neither the vitality of the resentment in times when the United States had no influence in the respective parts of the world nor its recent radical manifestations are accounted for in a political reductionist framework. In fact, specific traditions of anti-Americanism have an influence on the negative attitudes observed today, as a comparison between Britain, France, Germany, and Poland reveals. Second, this article suggests an alternative theoretical approach. Anti-Americanism can be explained by two basic mechanisms: it functions as a strategy to project denied and disliked self-concepts onto an external object, and it offers an interpretation frame for complex social processes that allows to reduce cognitive dissonance. Multivariate analyses based on empirical data collected in the Pew surveys of 2002 and 2007 show the fruitfulness of our theoretical approach.

Revistas de un solo autor : Disonancias del exilio español de 1939

El estudio examina un corpus inusual: las revistas de un solo autor fundadas por relevantes escritores españoles forzados a exiliarse al final de la Guerra Civil Española. Las revistas son: Atentamente, de Manuel Altolaguirre, El Pasajero, de José Bergamín, y Sala de Espera, de Max Aub. Se busca comprender cómo y por qué cada uno de ellos crea un espacio editorial para sí mismo y se sugiere la hipótesis de interpretar esa disonancia formal, en relación al modelo de revista literaria consolidado desde hace siglos, como expresión de disonancias políticas frente al ideario del gobierno republicano constituido en el exilio

Revistas de un solo autor : Disonancias del exilio español de 1939

El estudio examina un corpus inusual: las revistas de un solo autor fundadas por relevantes escritores españoles forzados a exiliarse al final de la Guerra Civil Española. Las revistas son: Atentamente, de Manuel Altolaguirre, El Pasajero, de José Bergamín, y Sala de Espera, de Max Aub. Se busca comprender cómo y por qué cada uno de ellos crea un espacio editorial para sí mismo y se sugiere la hipótesis de interpretar esa disonancia formal, en relación al modelo de revista literaria consolidado desde hace siglos, como expresión de disonancias políticas frente al ideario del gobierno republicano constituido en el exilio

Revistas de un solo autor : Disonancias del exilio español de 1939

El estudio examina un corpus inusual: las revistas de un solo autor fundadas por relevantes escritores españoles forzados a exiliarse al final de la Guerra Civil Española. Las revistas son: Atentamente, de Manuel Altolaguirre, El Pasajero, de José Bergamín, y Sala de Espera, de Max Aub. Se busca comprender cómo y por qué cada uno de ellos crea un espacio editorial para sí mismo y se sugiere la hipótesis de interpretar esa disonancia formal, en relación al modelo de revista literaria consolidado desde hace siglos, como expresión de disonancias políticas frente al ideario del gobierno republicano constituido en el exilio

CLIMA ORGANIZACIONAL E BURNOUT: UM ESTUDO COM SERVIDORES PÚBLICOS FEDERAIS

As condições inadequadas vivenciadas nas organizações afligem não só os trabalhadores da iniciativa privada, pois são igualmente encontradas no segmento estatal, contrariando a expectativa de que o aparato governamental eliminaria as condições insalubres e criaria outras melhores nas quais prevalecesse à promoção de saúde. Diante desse panorama questionou-se porque, uma vez que, pelo menos do ponto de vista da sociedade leiga, esses servidores estão submetidos a condições privilegiadas de trabalho. O presente estudo objetivou identificar e descrever possíveis relações entre o clima organizacional e o burnout em servidores públicos de uma instituição federal de ensino. Objetivou-se ainda descrever o clima organizacional predominante. A pesquisa realizada teve cunho quantitativo, tipo estudo de caso e exploratória. A coleta de dados deu-se por meio das escalas ECO (escala de clima organizacional), ECB (escala de caracterização do burnout) e um questionário sociodemográfico, todos os instrumentos autoaplicáveis eletronicamente disponíveis à instituição. Participaram do estudo 201 servidores públicos federais, com idade média de 37 anos, majoritariamente de nível superior e casados. Os resultados revelaram que cerca de um quarto dos participantes raramente experimentaram burnout, no entanto outra quarta parte deles frequentemente experimentaram altos níveis de burnout, resultado bastante expressivo. Os servidores perceberam clima organizacional mediano, destacando-se a boa coesão entre os colegas de trabalho e a percepção de baixa recompensa. Merece destaque a grande dispersão entre as percepções de clima, o que permite inferir haver subclimas não identificados nesta investigação, possivelmente ocasionados por uma força de clima fraca e pela participação dos servidores de unidades de ensino geograficamente distintas, geridas por gestores locais com relativa autonomia. Os resultados dos cálculos de correlação revelaram que, quanto menos os participantes percebem apoio da chefia e da organização, coesão entre colegas, e mais controle/pressão, mais exaustos se sentem, mais desumanizam as pessoas com quem tratam e mais se decepcionam no trabalho e vice-versa. Conforto físico menor está associado a maior desumanização e a mais decepção no trabalho e vice-versa; e que controle/pressão, relaciona-se positiva e fracamente com desumanização e vice-versa. Desta forma, a hipótese de que existe associação entre burnout e clima organizacional foi confirmada. Os resultados também revelaram que os servidores com burnout, perceberam pior clima organizacional que os seus pares sem burnout, confirmando a segunda hipótese. Esses servidores também se mostraram neutros quanto à percepção de apoio da chefia e conforto físico; não percebem controle pressão, nem recompensa; todavia percebem coesão entre os colegas. Esses resultados sugerem que os participantes têm se apoiado nessas relações para suportar a indiferença e ausência de estímulos experimentados no trabalho. Os resultados obtidos nesse estudo permitiram concluir que o clima organizacional é fraco, provavelmente influenciado por uma cultura organizacional fraca, explicando a heterogeneidade da percepção do clima organizacional pelos servidores. Além disso, embora haja burnout entre poucos participantes, há que se atentar que cerca de um quarto deles, encontra-se acometido desta síndrome e isto poderá contagiar os demais.

Procrastiner au péril de l'humanité : une perspective psychologique au problème du changement climatique

Dans ce mémoire, je cherche à rendre compte de l’inaction des individus à l’égard de la lutte contre les changements climatiques. Je soutiens que la procrastination permet d’expliquer l’inaction de certaines personnes à la fois informées et préoccupées par cet enjeu environnemental. Dans un premier temps, je présente différentes conceptions de la procrastination en philosophie. J’avance que la procrastination n’est pas nécessairement un comportement irrationnel et propose une définition descriptive de celle-ci. Dans un deuxième temps, je valide la légitimité du concept de la procrastination pour décrire l’attitude de certains individus face au changement climatique. Dans un troisième temps, je présente différents facteurs de la procrastination relative au changement climatique, à savoir les émotions négatives, la perspective temporelle, les préférences intransitives et la dissonance cognitive. Je conclus que la procrastination eu égard au changement climatique s’explique ultimement par une stratégie à court terme de régulation des émotions.

Potemkin conservatism. An ideological tool of the Kremlin. OSW Point of View 48, February 2015

Since the beginning of his third presidential term, Vladimir Putin has consistently invoked conservative ideology. Thus he legitimises the Kremlin’s new political strategy, the aim of which is to stabilise the regime and prevent any political mobilisation in Russia around a liberal agenda. This strategy is also intended to strengthen the legitimacy of the current model of government, by portraying it as ‘traditional’ for Russia; and to justify the government’s repressive and anti-Western policies. It also includes the policy of reintegrating the post-Soviet space under the auspices of Moscow, as evidenced by the annexation of Crimea and the Novorossiya project. This strategy was devised as a response to the galvanisation of adherents of liberalisation in Russia, namely the new middle class and a part of the business and administrative elites who publicly demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the regime in 2011 and 2012. However, the dissonance between the conservative slogans mouthed by the ruling elite and its actual conduct suggest that the Kremlin’s ‘conservative project’ is purely instrumental in nature, which in the longer term will undercut its effectiveness by undermining its credibility in the eyes of Russian society.

A ship run aground Deepening problems in the Ukrainian economy. OSW Commentary Number 173, 16 June 2015

The drop in Ukraine’s GDP by nearly 18% in the first three months of 2015 (versus the corresponding period in 2014) has confirmed the decline of the country’s economy. Over the last 14 months, the Ukrainian currency was subject to an almost threefold devaluation against the US dollar, and in April 2015 the inflation rate was 61% (year-on-year), which exacerbated the impoverishment of the general public and weakened domestic demand. The main reason behind the crisis has been the destruction of heavy industry and infrastructure in the war-torn Donbas region, over which Kyiv no longer has control, as well as a sharp decline in foreign trade (by 24% in 2014 and by 34% in the first quarter of 2015), recorded primarily in trading volume with Ukraine’s major trade partner, i.e. Russia (a drop of 43%). The conflict has also had a negative impact on the production figures for the two key sectors of the Ukrainian economy: agriculture and metallurgy, which account for approximately 50% of Ukrainian exports. The government’s response to the crisis has primarily been a reduction in the costs of financing the Donbas and an increase in the financial burden placed on the citizens and companies of Ukraine. No radical reforms which would encompass the entire system, including anti-corruption reforms, have been carried out to stop the embezzlement of state funds and to facilitate business activity. The reasons for not initiating reforms have included the lack of will to launch them, Ukraine’s traditionally slow pace of bureaucratic action and growing dissonance among the parties making up the parliamentary coalition. The few positive changes, including marketisation of energy prices and sustaining budgetary discipline (in the first quarter of 2015, budgetary revenues grew by 25%, though partly as a result of currency devaluation), are being carried out under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, which is making the payment of further loan instalments to the tune of US$ 17.5 billion conditional upon reforms. Despite assistance granted by Western institutional donors and by individual states, the risk of Ukraine going bankrupt remains real. The issue of restructuring foreign debt worth US$ 15 billion has not been resolved, as foreign creditors who hold Ukrainian bonds have not consented to any partial cancellation of the debt. Whether Ukraine’s public finances can be stabilised will depend mainly on the situation in the east of the country and on the possible renewal of military action. It seems that the only way to rescue Ukraine’s public finances from deteriorating further is to continue to ‘freeze’ the conflict, to gradually implement wide-ranging reforms and to reach a consensus in negotiations with lenders.

Procrastiner au péril de l'humanité : une perspective psychologique au problème du changement climatique.

Dans ce mémoire, je cherche à rendre compte de l’inaction des individus à l’égard de la lutte contre les changements climatiques. Je soutiens que la procrastination permet d’expliquer l’inaction de certaines personnes à la fois informées et préoccupées par cet enjeu environnemental. Dans un premier temps, je présente différentes conceptions de la procrastination en philosophie. J’avance que la procrastination n’est pas nécessairement un comportement irrationnel et propose une définition descriptive de celle-ci. Dans un deuxième temps, je valide la légitimité du concept de la procrastination pour décrire l’attitude de certains individus face au changement climatique. Dans un troisième temps, je présente différents facteurs de la procrastination relative au changement climatique, à savoir les émotions négatives, la perspective temporelle, les préférences intransitives et la dissonance cognitive. Je conclus que la procrastination eu égard au changement climatique s’explique ultimement par une stratégie à court terme de régulation des émotions.

A longitudinal study of learning for a group of indigenous Australian university students: Dissonant conceptions and strategies

Conceptions of learning and strategies used by 15 indigenous students in three Australian universities were studied longitudinally over three years. Their academic achievements were good, but at a high cost in terms of time and effort. In spite of the fact that almost half of the students expressed higher-order (qualitative) conceptions of learning in the first year and more in the second and third years, all of the students reported using highly repetitive strategies to learn. That is, they did not vary their way of learning, reading or writing in the beginning of their studies and less than half of them did so at the end of the three years. It is argued that encountering variation in ways of learning is a prerequisite for the development of powerful ways of learning and studying.

Expanding the scope of the social response context model

Descriptive models of social response are concerned with identifying and discriminating between different types of response to social influence. In a previous article (Nail, MacDonald, & Levy, 2000), the authors demonstrated that 4 conceptual dimensions are necessary to adequately distinguish between such phenomena as conformity, compliance, contagion, independence, and anticonformity in a single model. This article expands the scope of the authors' 4-dimensional approach by reviewing selected experimental and cultural evidence, further demonstrating the integrative power of the model. This review incorporates political psychology, culture and aggression, self-persuasion, group norms, prejudice, impression management, psychotherapy, pluralistic ignorance, bystander intervention/nonintervention, public policy, close relationships, and implicit attitudes.

Shadowing experiences and the extension of communities of practice: A case study of women education managers

Recent developments in workplace learning have focused on relational and social network views of learning that introduce practitioners to the norms, values and assumptions of the workplace as well as the learning processes through which knowledge is acquired. This article reports on a qualitative study of a mentoring programme designed to assist women education managers gain promotion by broadening their networks and stimulating insights into the senior management positions for which they were being prepared. The findings are that members reflexively assess and reassess goals and values to demystify knowledge and resolved cognitive dissonance in these processes. Moreover, this article shows that women participants learn from the networks, and that the networks learn from the participant in a reciprocal and informal way. The article concludes that organizational learning programmes must focus on enabling such networks to flourish.