AICAR administration affects glucose metabolism by upregulating the novel glucose transporter, GLUT8, in equine skeletal muscle

Equine metabolic syndrome is characterized by obesity and insulin resistance (IR). Currently, there is no effective pharmacological treatment for this insidious disease. Glucose uptake is mediated by a family of glucose transporters (GLUT), and is regulated by insulin-dependent and -independent pathways, including 5-AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK). Importantly, the activation of AMPK, by 5-aminoimidazole- 4-carboxamide-1-D-ribofuranoside (AICAR) stimulates glucose uptake in both healthy and diabetic humans. However, whether AICAR promotes glucose uptake in horses has not been established. It is hypothesized that AICAR administration would enhance glucose transport in equine skeletal muscle through AMPK activation. In this study, the effect of an intravenous AICAR infusion on blood glucose and insulin concentrations, as well as on GLUT expression and AMPK activation in equine skeletal muscle (quantified by Western blotting) was examined. Upon administration, plasma AICAR rapidly reached peak concentration. Treatment with AICAR resulted in a decrease (P < 0.05) in blood glucose and an increase (P < 0.05) in insulin concentration without a change in lactate concentration. The ratio of phosphorylated to total AMPK was increased (P < 0.05) in skeletal muscle. While GLUT4 and GLUT1 protein expression remained unchanged, GLUT8 was increased (P < 0.05) following AICAR treatment. Up-regulation of GLUT8 protein expression by AICAR suggests that this novel GLUT isoform plays an important role in equine muscle glucose transport. In addition, the data suggest that AMPK activation enhances pancreatic insulin secretion. Collectively, the findings suggest that AICAR acutely promotes muscle glucose uptake in healthy horses and thus its therapeutic potential for managing IR requires investigation.

The in vivo fate of nanoparticles and nanoparticle-loaded microcapsules after oral administration in mice: Evaluation of their potential for colon-specific delivery

Anti-cancer drug loaded-nanoparticles (NPs) or encapsulation of NPs in colon-targeted delivery systems shows potential for increasing the local drug concentration in the colon leading to improved treatment of colorectal cancer. To investigate the potential of the NP-based strategies for colon-specific delivery, two formulations, free Eudragit® NPs and enteric-coated NP-loaded chitosan–hypromellose microcapsules (MCs) were fluorescently-labelled and their tissue distribution in mice after oral administration was monitored by multispectral small animal imaging. The free NPs showed a shorter transit time throughout the mouse digestive tract than the MCs, with extensive excretion of NPs in faeces at 5 h. Conversely, the MCs showed complete NP release in the lower region of the mouse small intestine at 8 h post-administration. Overall, the encapsulation of NPs in MCs resulted in a higher colonic NP intensity from 8 h to 24 h post-administration compared to the free NPs, due to a NP ‘guarding’ effect of MCs during their transit along mouse gastrointestinal tract which decreased NP excretion in faeces. These imaging data revealed that this widely-utilised colon-targeting MC formulation lacked site-precision for releasing its NP load in the colon, but the increased residence time of the NPs in the lower gastrointestinal tract suggests that it is still useful for localised release of chemotherapeutics, compared to NP administration alone. In addition, both formulations resided in the stomach of mice at considerable concentrations over 24 h. Thus, adhesion of NP- or MC-based oral delivery systems to gastric mucosa may be problematic for colon-specific delivery of the cargo to the colon and should be carefully investigated for a full evaluation of particulate delivery systems.

Effect Of Administration Of Luteinizing-Hormone (Lh) And Deprivation Of Lh On The Proteins Of Smooth Endoplasmic-Reticulum Of Immature And Adult-Rat Leydig-Cells

Analysis of proteins of smooth endoplasmic reticulum (SER) of Leydig cells from immature and admit rats by two-dimensional polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis (SDS-PAGE) revealed the presence of several new proteins in the adult rats. Administration of human chorionic gonadotropin to immature rats for ten days also resulted in a significant increase as well as the appearance of several new proteins. The general pattern of SDS-PAGE analysis of the SER proteins of Leydig cells resembled that of the adult rat. SDS-PAGE analysis of the SER proteins of Leydig cells from adult rats following deprivation of endogenous luteinizing hormone by administration of antiserum to ovine luteinizing hormone resulted in a pattern which to certain extent resembled that of an immature I at. Western Blot analysis of luteinizing hormone antiserum treated rat Leydig cell proteins revealed a decrease in the 17-alpha-hydroxylase compared to the control. These results provide biochemical evidence for the suggestion that one of the main functions of luteinizing hormone is the control of biogenesis and/or turnover SER of Leydig cells in the rat.

Democracy, Participation, and Deliberation in China : The discussion about democratic centralism in the official Chinese press, 1978-1981

This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.

Influence of clofibrate administration on the rate of synthesis of macromolecules in regenerating rat liver

Administration of the antihypercholesterolaemic drug clofibrate stimulates the rates of synthesis of nucleic acids and proteins in rat liver. The biosynthesis of mitochondrial proteins also is enhanced by the drug. In drug-fed animals, the rates of incorporation in vivo of radioactive precursors into DNA, RNA and proteins are stimulated even when the liver undergoes regeneration following partial hepatectomy. The rate of synthesis of mitochondrial proteins in the regenerative phase is higher in clofibrate-fed animals. These effects are consistent with the hepatomegalic and mitochondria-proliferating property of the drug.

Makt, konst, elit - konstfältets positioner, relationer och resurser i 1940- och 1950-talens Helsingfors

The dissertation examines the power mechanisms and institutional power hierarchies of the 1940s-1950s era arts elite in Helsinki and their influence on issues of taste in the visual arts. For the purposes of this study, the elite is understood to consist mainly of the board members of the principal elected bodies in the field of the arts. The theoretical framework employed is based on Pierre Bourdieu s field theory and the network perspective. The author has examined what the key, pervasive valuations were that governed the exercising of power by the arts elite in issues of taste, involving determination of who was an acknowledged artist and what was good art. The dissertation demonstrates that this exercising of power was governed by certain collective practices which maintained the illusion that the exercising of power was democratic and based on artistic quality. These practices were the corporate system, using artistic arguments in issues of taste, and using networks in the exercising of power. The struggle in the field of the arts was about who ultimately was entitled to define the value of contemporary art; the issue did not arise regarding historical art. Artists managed to gain a leading position as gatekeepers in issues regarding contemporary art. The author discusses a number of conflicts in the field of the arts that highlight the institutional hierarchies and the capital held by the various players. The structural changes that occurred in administration in the field of cultural production in the 1950s led to the separation of bureaucratic competence on the one hand and aesthetic competence on the other. There was a hierarchy in the field of the arts between institutions, between instruments of legitimisation, and between the symbolic and social capital of players in the field. The hierarchy in the arts ultimately depended on how well the elite could influence tastes through the instruments at their disposal. The various instruments of legitimisation grants, purchases, etc. were ranked differently in the evaluation of acknowledged artists and good art. The dissertation discusses what values, in the form of types of symbolic capital, the arts elite embraced and what role these played in the elite s exercising of power, with particular focus on gender, language, region and economic capital. The aesthetic capital of an artist was of only minor importance in the exercising of power by the arts elite. The dissertation further discusses the points of contact between the arts elite and players in other fields, such as the economic, media and consumer fields. When the arts elite, through the Academy of Fine Arts, became an active player in the art market, this led to a hierarchy where the division between acknowledged and not-acknowledged galleries became sharper.

The micropolitics of management in universities: Challenges and opportunities

In recent decades, there has been a strong call by writers in education for alternative forms of leadership and management that are human centred and that value social cohesion, fairness, and democratic practices. Referred to by names such as transformative leadership (Shields, 2013) and ethical leadership (Starratt, 1996), those promoting these types of leadership argue for the use of “power as a moral force for the common good” (Duignan, 2007, p.12). In this chapter, our interest lies with managers in universities and how they use power in ethical and unethical ways. We consider some macro forces (e.g., globalisation, neo-liberal policies) that have impacted universities, making it difficult for managers to promote socially just and equitable practices. In particular, we examine the influence of managerialism—the application of private sector practices to the public sector—where the role of manager is not to question current practices, but to conform to performance targets, and to ensure compliance (O’Brien & Down, 2002). To come to an understanding of what might constitute ethical practices, we refer to the field of micropolitics as a way to help illuminate current practice and point to more positive ways of working.

External administration in corporate insolvency and reorganisation: The insider alternative

This article considers the merits of alternative policy approaches to management of companies in insolvency administration, in particular from an identity economics theoretical perspective. The use of this perspective provides a novel assessment of the policy alternatives for insolvency administration, which can be characterized as either following the more flexible United States Chapter 11-style debtor-in-possession arrangement, or relying on the appointment of an external administrator or trustee to manage the insolvent company who automatically displaces incumbent management. This analysis indicates that stigma and reputational damage from automatic removal of managers in voluntary administration leaders to "identity loss" and that an insider alternative to the current external administration approach could be a beneficial policy change.

Influence of starvation and clofibrate administration on oxidative phosphorylation by rat liver mitochondria

Whole cells, homogenates and mitochondrial obtained from the livers of albino rats which were starved for 6 days or more showed a 50% decrease in oxidative activity. The decrease could be corrected by the addition of cytochrome c in vitro. The phosphorylative activity of mitochondria remained unaffected. The decrease in oxidative rate was not observed when starving animals were given the anti-hypercholesterolaemic drug clofibrate. The total cellular concentration of cytochrome c was not affected by starvation. However, the concentration of the pigment in hepatic mitochondria isolated from starving animals was less than half that in normal mitochondria. Clofibrate-treated animals did not show a decreased concentration of cytochrome c in hepatic mitochondria. Mitochondria isolated from starving animals, though deficient in cytochrome c, did not show any decrease in succinate dehydrogenase activity or in the rate of substrate-dependent reduction of potassium ferricyanide or attendant phosphorylation. In coupled mitochondria, ferricyanide may not accept electrons from the cytochrome c in the respiratory chain. Starvation decreases the concentration of high-affinity binding sites for cytochrome c on the mitochondrial membrane. The dissociation constant increases in magnitude.

Functional changes in rat liver mitochondria on administration of 2-methyl-4-dimethylaminoazobenzene

Administration of 2-methyl-4-dimethylaminobenzene in the diet (0.1%, w/w) for 85-90 days doubled the content of mitochondria in the livers of rats. The azodye was covalently bound to liver proteins, and about 15% of the amount found in liver was associated with the mitochondrial fraction. Mitochondria isolated from the livers of azodye-fed animals showed drastically lowered ability to oxidize NAD+-linked substrates. The inhibited electron-transfer step was the reduction of ubiquinone. The organelles showed a large increase in succinate oxidase activity. The activity of cytochrome oxidase and the content of cytochrome aa3 were substantially higher in these organelles. Azodye-fed animals showed depressed serum cholesterol concentrations. The content of ubiquinone in liver also registered a small increase.

Effect of administration of clofibrate and clofenapate on kidney mitochondria of the rat

Abstract is not available.

Democratic Party invitation (form letter)

Form political letter. Printed on Executive Committee stationery with handwritten salutation in blue ink. Invitation to be a Vice President to ratify nominations of Greely and Brown, Democratic party.

Understanding the information dynamics of medication administration in residential aged care facilities (RACFs): A prerequisite for design of effective ICT systems

Medication information is a critical part of the information required to ensure residents' safety in the highly collaborative care context of RACFs. Studies report poor medication information as a barrier to improve medication management in RACFs. Research exploring medication work practices in aged care settings remains limited. This study aimed to identify contextual and work practice factors contributing to breakdowns in medication information exchange in RACFs in relation to the medication administration process. We employed non-participant observations and semi-structured interviews to explore information practices in three Australian RACFs. Findings identified inefficiencies due to lack of information timeliness, manual stock management, multiple data transcriptions, inadequate design of essential documents such as administration sheets and a reliance on manual auditing procedures. Technological solutions such as electronic medication administration records offer opportunities to overcome some of the identified problems. However these interventions need to be designed to align with the collaborative team based processes they intend to support.

Design challenges for electronic medication administration record systems in residential aged care facilities: A formative evaluation

Introduction Electronic medication administration record (eMAR) systems are promoted as a potential intervention to enhance medication safety in residential aged care facilities (RACFs). The purpose of this study was to conduct an in-practice evaluation of an eMAR being piloted in one Australian RACF before its roll out, and to provide recommendations for system improvements. Methods A multidisciplinary team conducted direct observations of workflow (n=34 hours) in the RACF site and the community pharmacy. Semi-structured interviews (n=5) with RACF staff and the community pharmacist were conducted to investigate their views of the eMAR system. Data were analysed using a grounded theory approach to identify challenges associated with the design of the eMAR system. Results The current eMAR system does not offer an end-to-end solution for medication management. Many steps, including prescribing by doctors and communication with the community pharmacist, are still performed manually using paper charts and fax machines. Five major challenges associated with the design of eMAR system were identified: limited interactivity; inadequate flexibility; problems related to information layout and semantics; the lack of relevant decision support; and system maintenance issues.We suggest recommendations to improve the design of the eMAR system and to optimize existing workflows. Discussion Immediate value can be achieved by improving the system interactivity, reducing inconsistencies in data entry design and offering dedicated organisational support to minimise connectivity issues. Longer-term benefits can be achieved by adding decision support features and establishing system interoperability requirements with stakeholder groups (e.g. community pharmacies) prior to system roll out. In-practice evaluations of technologies like eMAR system have great value in identifying design weaknesses which inhibit optimal system use.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.