Application of Ga(68) -DOTA-exendin-4 PET/CT to localise an occult insulinoma

A 49 year old female presented to our Neuroendocrine Tumour (NET) centre with recurrent severe and disabling hypoglycaemia. She had previously been extensively investigated with a clinical and biochemical diagnosis of endogenous hyperinsulinemic hypoglycaemia although the source of hormonal hypersecretion could not be localised with MRI, EUS and (111) In-Octreotide scans. After extensive discussion the patient opted for blind surgical resection undergoing a pylorus-preserving pancreaticoduodenectomy in December 2010. Histological examination of the resected operative specimen demonstrated a normal pancreas with no evidence of neuroendocrine tumour. Consistent with this, post-surgery her hypoglycaemic symptoms persisted with fasting capillary blood glucose of 2.1-6.0 mmol/l with increasing hypoglycaemia unawareness. Consequently she sought alternative clinical opinions from two European Neuroendocrine Tumour Society (ENETS) Centres of Excellence who investigated her collaboratively. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.

SiGe nanowires grown by LPCVD using Ga-Au catalysts

The use of Ga-Au alloys as metal catalysts for the growth of SiGe nanowires has been investigated. The grown nanowires are cylindrical and straight, with a defect-free crystalline structure, sharp nanowire-droplet interfaces and an almost constant Ge atomic fraction throughout all their length. These features represent significant improvements over the results obtained using pure Au

SiGe/Si nanowire axial heterostructures grown by LPCVD using Ga-Au

The use of Ga-Au alloys of different compositions as metal catalysts for the growth of abrupt SiGe/Si nanowire axial heterostructures has been investigated. The heterostructures grown in a continuous process by just switching the gas precursors, show uniform nanowire diameters, almost abrupt compositional changes and no defects between the different sections. These features represent significant improvements over the results obtained using pure Au.

Activation of Utrophin Promoter by Heregulin via the ets-related Transcription Factor Complex GA-binding Protein α/β

Utrophin/dystrophin-related protein is the autosomal homologue of the chromosome X-encoded dystrophin protein. In adult skeletal muscle, utrophin is highly enriched at the neuromuscular junction. However, the molecular mechanisms underlying regulation of utrophin gene expression are yet to be defined. Here we demonstrate that the growth factor heregulin increases de novo utrophin transcription in muscle cell cultures. Using mutant reporter constructs of the utrophin promoter, we define the N-box region of the promoter as critical for heregulin-mediated activation. Using this region of the utrophin promoter for DNA affinity purification, immunoblots, in vitro kinase assays, electrophoretic mobility shift assays, and in vitro expression in cultured muscle cells, we demonstrate that ets-related GA-binding protein α/β transcription factors are activators of the utrophin promoter. Taken together, these results suggest that the GA-binding protein α/β complex of transcription factors binds and activates the utrophin promoter in response to heregulin-activated extracellular signal–regulated kinase in muscle cell cultures. These findings suggest methods for achieving utrophin up-regulation in Duchenne’s muscular dystrophy as well as mechanisms by which neurite-derived growth factors such as heregulin may influence the regulation of utrophin gene expression and subsequent enrichment at the neuromuscular junction of skeletal muscle.

Decreased GA1 Content Caused by the Overexpression of OSH1 Is Accompanied by Suppression of GA 20-Oxidase Gene Expression

We previously reported that overexpression of the rice homeobox gene OSH1 led to altered morphology and hormone levels in transgenic tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum L.) plants. Among the hormones whose levels were changed, GA1 was dramatically reduced. Here we report the results of our analysis on the regulatory mechanism(s) of OSH1 on GA metabolism. GA53 and GA20, precursors of GA1, were applied separately to transgenic tobacco plants exhibiting severely changed morphology due to overexpression of OSH1. Only treatment with the end product of GA 20-oxidase, GA20, resulted in a striking promotion of stem elongation in transgenic tobacco plants. The internal GA1 and GA20 contents in OSH1-transformed tobacco were dramatically reduced compared with those of wild-type plants, whereas the level of GA19, a mid-product of GA 20-oxidase, was 25% of the wild-type level. We have isolated a cDNA encoding a putative tobacco GA 20-oxidase, which is mainly expressed in vegetative stem tissue. RNA-blot analysis revealed that GA 20-oxidase gene expression was suppressed in stem tissue of OSH1-transformed tobacco plants. Based on these results, we conclude that overexpression of OSH1 causes a reduction of the level of GA1 by suppressing GA 20-oxidase expression.

Do European Union fines deter price-fixing? Bruegel Policy Brief 2013/04, May 2013

The issue: Anti-cartel enforcement is the least controversial of competition policy themes. Agreements to restrict competition such as price fixing or market sharing have obvious negative effects on welfare. Within the European Union, however, industry representatives have increasingly voiced concern that the European Commission applies a too-strict fining policy to enforce anti-cartel law, particularly since the introduction of new guidelines on fines in 2006. Fines are said to be too high, disproportionate and liable to introduce distortions into the market, ultimately leading to higher prices for consumers. It is often argued that more lenient approaches should be followed in crisis times. Policy challenge: High fines for cartel activity could entail costs for society and might be difficult to implement. Nevertheless, there is no case for reducing current levels of EU anti-cartel fines. Fine levels already take the economic crisis into account, and the net present value of fines might prove to be too low to discourage collusion. We estimate that fines might even be not high enough to offset the additional profits yielded by collusion. Fines should be complemented with other measures to increase deterrence, in particular personal sanctions targeting company officers who are responsible for leading the company to commit infringements. In the short term, pressure on decision makers could be increased by reducing the expected duration of investigations.

Iceland’s contested European Policy: The Footprint of the Past - A Small and Insular Society. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper 01/2013

Introduction. Iceland’s domestic politics and foreign affairs are undergoing drastic changes. After an economic crash, violent protests on the streets of Reykjavik for the first time in Iceland’s history contributed to the defeat of the government. The party system has been altered. A turn has been taken towards Europe after the United States left the island, first by closing its military base in 2006 and then by its clear stance not to assist the country in its economic difficulties. The former close relations with the superpower are unlikely ever to be restored. The EU membership application is placing severe constraints on political parties which are split on the issue and has put in jeopardy the unity of the first left majority in the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi. Society is in a state of flux after an unprecedented economic downscaling and the collapse of almost its entire financial sector – which had boomed rapidly beginning in the mid-1990s. The credibility of politicians, the parliament and the media is in ruins. Iceland’s smallness and its location on the geographical map – one could also say the geopolitical map – has had a profound influence on its domestic and foreign affairs. Iceland is closely associated with the other Nordic states and has adopted many of their domestic characteristics, with important exceptions. On the other hand, the country has come under American influence – geographically, it straddles the Mid-Atlantic rift – and has limited its participation in the European project. Its geographical location in the middle of the North Atlantic has led to a notion that the country’s culture is unique and should be protected by all available means. Politicians continue to play the ‘nationalistic uniqueness’ card with considerable success even though the country has been swept by globalization. Rapid modernization (which only really began in the Second World War with British and American occupations) and sudden engagement with the outside world (which only extended to the general public in the last quarter of the twentieth century) are still slowly but steadily making their mark on the country’s foreign policy. The country’s political discourse and foreign policy still bear the hallmark of the past, i.e. of a small and insular society This paper will address the political developments in Iceland since the 2008 economic crash and place it in a historical context. The aim is to understand Iceland’s present foreign policy and, in particular, the highly contested decision by its government in 2009 to apply for membership of the European Union. The paper is divided into five sections in addition to this introduction and the concluding remarks. First, it starts by explaining the importance in Iceland of a political discourse based on the concept of independence which dates back to the historical narrative of the settlement period. This section will also examine Iceland’s close relations with the other Nordic states – despite important differences between it and the others. Second, the paper will analyse the importance of the party system, i.e. the dominance of the centre-right in Icelandic politics, and the changed nature of the system. Third, it examines how Iceland further distinguishes itself from the other Nordic states in many important features. Fourthly, the paper analyses the country’s three main foreign policy priorities in the post-war period, i.e. extensions of the Exclusive Economic Zone, firm defence arrangements with the US and membership of NATO, and the drive for better market access for marine products – including a partial engagement in the European project. Fifthly, the paper examines how the country’s smallness, in terms of its central administrative capacity, has affected its domestic and foreign policy-making. The concluding section summarizes the main findings concerning the political and historical obstacles that the Social Democratic Alliance faces in its hard-fought battle to change the country’s European Policy.

The Catholic Identity of Malta after Ten Years of Membership in the European Union: Challenges and Prospects. Occasional Paper 2/2014

Introduction. Ten years have elapsed since Malta’s accession in the European Union. One can still recall vividly the intense and acrimonious campaign prior to the membership referendum and the ensuing electoral victory that confirmed the Nationalist Party (PN) in power under the leadership of Edward Fenech Adami in 2003. In both cases the Maltese voted in favour of entry into the EU. During both exercises in democracy the Maltese were exposed to the rhetoric of both prophets of doom and prophets of plenty. For the former accession meant a loss of national and territorial independence, for the latter it meant the beginning of opportunity for all and, in some cases, the answer to all of Malta’s woes. Now, ten years later, a further appraisal of Malta’s membership and place in the European Union is called for. The purpose of this paper, however, is to reflect upon how this membership has affected the Roman Catholic Church in Malta and what prospects lie ahead for the Catholic community within Maltese society that remains in a state of constant flux on both the social and the religious level. It traces the major events that have accelerated the transformation of Malta into a secular society. The paper describes how these events, together with pressures that are being brought to bear by secular movements upon Maltese society, are profoundly affecting its Catholic identity and redrawing its moral landscape. It also discusses ways and means by which the Catholic Church in Malta can address these challenges and contribute towards the construction of a more humane Maltese society. In order to achieve this, it must first and foremost remain a coherent witness of a faith that is forever alive, dynamic and relevant.

Changes in the political elite, economy and society of Belarus: Appearances and reality. OSW Study 30/2008

In late 2006 and early 2007, relations between Russia and Belarus were hit by the most serious crisis in many years. In a setting of heightened tension, the Belarusian authorities decided to gradually modify their economic policy and thoroughly restructure the ruling class. The new situation created new, much more difficult challenges for the Belarusian opposition. The processes initiated by the authorities were not intended to bring about either the democratisation of public and political life or full economic liberalisation; their only purpose was to enable the regime to tackle new challenges and survive in the changing international context. Nevertheless, modernisation has been initiated in Belarus' authoritarian system of power, which until now was considered to be completely incapable of reform. This puts the country's main political and economic partners, including the European Union, in a new situation.

Tunisia. Supervising Tunisian Elections by civil society: How to improve it? Arab Citizenship Review No. 7. January 2015

Introduction. On October 26, 2014, Tunisia held its second democratic legislative elections. Participation among more than 5 million registered voters was at about 60%, a relatively good turnout for the country, compared to the 52% voters in 2011. Preliminary results for the 33 constituencies (27 within the country and 6 for expatriates) reveal that secular frontrunner Nidaa Tounes (Call of Tunisia) won around 37% percent of votes while moderate Islamist party Ennahdha, winner of the 2011 elections and leader of Tunisia’s post-revolution government, received 27% of votes. Other parties with notable percentages are the Free Patriotic Union (French: UPL) with 4.4% and the leftist party, Popular Front, with 3.7%. Legislative were immediately followed by two round presidential elections the first one held on November 23, the second one after one month. Conversely to what was expected, people were more attracted by presidential elections even though president has notably less prerogatives than the parliament: representing the state, he is mainly responsible for determining the general state policies in the domains of defense, foreign relations and national security (article 76.) This paradox is ascribed to national imaginary more confident in a “Zaïm” (leader) rather than a collective institution such as a parliament. The turnout was at about 64% within the national 27 constituencies. Out of 70 candidates (including 5 female), 27 (with only one female) met the legal requirements to run for the presidency. The result confirms the legislative trend and Beji Caid Essebsi, leader of Nidaa, was proclaimed the third President of Tunisia. He gained 39.46% of the votes at the first round elections. Essebsi was followed by Moncef Marzouki who received an unexpected score (33.43%) at the first round, thanks to the support of Ennahdha audience and to an active and insistent campaign focused on the idea that revolution is threatened by old regime guard “come-back.” Rewarded for his long militant live, the extreme leftist Hamma Hammami in a new look gained 7,8% of the votes while the new comer Slim Riahi received 5,5% despite rumors circulating on his personal reputation. Notably, Kalthoum Kennou gained 0,55% (18.287 votes) but listed eleventh out of 27.

Ideas and Policy: The European Union considers social policy futures. ACES Cases No. 2010.2

The European Union’s social policy perspectives have changed quite dramatically over the last several decades. Now EU’s social policy discourse often promises to “invest in people,” sometimes “to invest in children,” and always to pay particular attention to youth. This paper argues that the tools of historical institutionalism can lead to understanding the ideational roots of this social investment perspective so distant from the “European social model.” Coming out of social movements, and with collective identities shaped both by those movement roots and national experiences, activists have effectively focused their practices on altering the social representations of European social solidarity through their interest group interventions, their participation in policy forums, and their mobilization within civil society at the European and sub-European levels. They have been able to make common cause with several epistemic communities that themselves revamped their ideas in the face of new institutional constraints, in order to advance their interests in promoting particular directions for social policy. The paper documents that “ideas” are not a variable and discourse “sometimes important” but that the ideas carried by movements and in epistemic communities are integral to the very definition of their interests that they promote within and with institutions.

Report on democracy assistance from the European Union to the Middle East and North Africa. EUSpring Report, 18 May 2016

Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, European Union (EU) assistance has nominally targeted more resources to supporting democracy movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The EU has better equipped itself institutionally, financially and conceptually, by strengthening its bottom up grassroots approach to democracy support; resources earmarked for supporting civil society have been increased, the budget for the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) has been beefed up, and the strengthened EU Delegations have be come more empowered to reach out to groups at the local grass roots level behind democracy activities; The European Endowment for Democracy (EED) was created with the mandate to support individuals and organizations in neighbouring countries that work for democracy. Whether this translates into a more effective strategy for democracy support, however, remains to be seen. In this report, Rosa Balfour, Francesca Fabbri and Richard Youngs present a detailed overview of the support given to civil society in the MENA region by the EU, with a special focus on the various financial instruments used.

Ports on the South Atlantic Coast of the United States : Morehead City, N. C., Brunswick, Ga., Port Everglades, Fla., Georgetown, S. C., Fernadina, Fla., Miami, Fla., Palm Beach, Fla. /

"Revision of Port series, no.16, T̀he port of Miami and Port Everglades, Fla.,' 1947; a revision, in part, of the Port series, no.12, T̀he ports of Wilmington and Morehead City, N.C.' 1950; and a revision, in part of Port series, no. 14, T̀he ports of Savannah and Brunswick, Ga.,' 1946."

Report of the executive council on the proceedings of the annual conference of the Society of American Indians.

Running title: Proceedings of the first conference ...

Union list of scientific and technical periodicals in the libraries of Greater Cincinnati,

Mode of access: Internet.