U. S. Trade in Tuna for Canning, 1987

U.S. tuna fleet activity, canned tuna processing, ex-vessel, wholesale and retail prices and imports in 1987 are described and compared to their counterparts in previous years. Industry statistics gathered from government agencies and industry contacts are presented in 14 figures and 8 tables. In 1987, U.S. tuna fisheries delivered 253,136 short tons (tons) of tuna to U.S. canneries. Domestic deliveries of albacore (white-meat) tuna were 2,836 tons, down 20 percent from 1986 levels. Domestic deliveries of tropical (light-meat) tuna (bigeye, blackfin, bluefin, skipjack, and yellowfin) were 251,000 tons, up 12 percent. Contract prices for tuna delivered by U. S. vessels to U. S. canneries increased dramatically in 1987. Depending on the size of fish in the delivery, ex-vessel prices of white-meat tuna increased as much as 27 percent, and prices of light-meat tuna increased as much as 47 percent. U. S. cannery receipts of imported and domestically caught raw frozen tuna for canning totaled 532,704 tons in 1987, up 2 percent from 1986 levels. U.S. cannery receipts of white-meat tuna were 104,197 tons, down 10 percent from 1986. Imports made up 97 percent of the total cannery supply. Total 1987 U. S. cannery receipts of raw, frozen light meat tuna were 428,507 tons, up 5 percent from 1986 levels. Imports made up 41 percent of the total cannery supply. The 1987 U.S. pack of canned tuna was 33.6 million standard cases, up 3 percent from 1986. The pack of white-meat tuna was 7.2 million standard cases, down 11 percent from 1986; the pack of light-meat tuna was 26.4 million standard cases, up 7 percent. U. S. imports of canned tuna in 1987 were 10.8 million standard cases, down 11 percent from 1986 levels, the first time in recent years that imports have declined. Per capita consumption of canned tuna in the United States was 3.5 pounds in 1987, down slightly from 1986. The retail composite price was $2.26 per pound, unchanged from 1986.

Socio-economic implications of the fish export trade in Uganda

Implications of the fish export trade on the people and the fisheries resource of Lake Victoria, Uganda were examined. Eight fish processing factories and ninety fishers were analyzed in terms of socio-economic characteristics of fishers and the economic characteristics of fish factories. Results indicated that industrial fish processors in Uganda are presently the main link between the artisanal fisher-folk and the overseas export markets. Their entry into the market has stabilized and expanded the fisher-folk market and average earnings. Fishers attributed improvement in incomes and living standards (76%) to positive changes in the fish market (78%) in the last 5 years (1994-1999). Ugandan fisher-folk communities are not seriously affected by the Nile perch exports (73%) because they normally have easy access to cheap fish at prices much less than urban prices and; depend mainly on alternative fish species of less export value. The price of Nile perch influences positively the price of Tilapia

Perspectives of impacts of international fish trade in Kenya

There has been tremendous growth in international trade on fish and fisheries products in the last four decades. In 1970 the value of internationally traded fish was estimated at 3 billion; this increased to US$ 15 billion in 1980, US$ 36 billion in 1990 and US$ 55 billion in 2000 (Ahmed, 2003). Recent statistics show that fish trade has surpassed other agricultural commodities that have traditionally been traded internationally such as coffee, tea, cocoa, sugar, cereals, meat, oils and milk. In 2000, fish contributed 22% of the value of all agricultural exports, making it the highest internationally traded food product (Ahmed, 2003). In another perspective, nearly 40% of the world's fish is now sold in the international market. The flow of fish in the international market is highly lopsided. About 50% of fish exportscomefromthedevelopingworld ,ofwhich 20%arefrom low-incomefood deficient countries. Most of this fish, however, is consumed by the developed countries, which account for nearly 80% of all imported fish. The EU, USA and Japan are the major importers, accounting for over 77% of global fish imports. Thus, while developing countries playa big role in fish production , they consume very little of it, instead preferring to sell for the hard currency. In some fish exporting countries, especially those in Asia, there is some link between fish exports and imports of substitute and complementary foods. Much of the increased earning from fish exports in those countries is explained by a corresponding rise in expenditure on imported foods. This is not the case in many of the fish exporter nations in Africa. In their case, fish exports generate foreign exchange that they use to meet other socio-political objectives; hardly is it aimed at solving the wider food needs. Therefore, one of the most immediate concerns of international fish trade is its impact on food security in the poor exporter nations.

Status of sturgeon aquaculture and sturgeon trade in China: a review based on two recent nationwide surveys

The authors reviewed the aquacultural history of Acipenseriformes in China, related the legal status and examined the current status of the cultured species or hybrids, origins of seedlings, quantities of production, geographic distribution in farming, and the sustainability for both restocking programmes and human consumption. The census shows that since 2000, the production of cultured sturgeons in China appears to have become the largest in the world. As of 2000, the rapid growth of sturgeon farming in China mainly for commercial purposes has shifted harvests in the Amur River from caviar production to the artificial culture of sturgeon seedlings. This dramatic development has also caused a series of extant and potential problems, including insufficient market availability and the impact of exotic sturgeons on indigenous sturgeon species. Annual preservation of sufficient higher-age sturgeons should be a national priority in order to establish a sustainable sturgeon-culture industry and to preserve a gene pool of critically endangered sturgeon species to prevent their extinction.

The empirical analysis of cigarette tax avoidance and illicit trade in Vietnam, 1998-2010.

Illicit trade carries the potential to magnify existing tobacco-related health care costs through increased availability of untaxed and inexpensive cigarettes. What is known with respect to the magnitude of illicit trade for Vietnam is produced primarily by the industry, and methodologies are typically opaque. Independent assessment of the illicit cigarette trade in Vietnam is vital to tobacco control policy. This paper measures the magnitude of illicit cigarette trade for Vietnam between 1998 and 2010 using two methods, discrepancies between legitimate domestic cigarette sales and domestic tobacco consumption estimated from surveys, and trade discrepancies as recorded by Vietnam and trade partners. The results indicate that Vietnam likely experienced net smuggling in during the period studied. With the inclusion of adjustments for survey respondent under-reporting, inward illicit trade likely occurred in three of the four years for which surveys were available. Discrepancies in trade records indicate that the value of smuggled cigarettes into Vietnam ranges from $100 million to $300 million between 2000 and 2010 and that these cigarettes primarily originate in Singapore, Hong Kong, Macao, Malaysia, and Australia. Notable differences in trends over time exist between the two methods, but by comparison, the industry estimates consistently place the magnitude of illicit trade at the upper bounds of what this study shows. The unavailability of annual, survey-based estimates of consumption may obscure the true, annual trend over time. Second, as surveys changed over time, estimates relying on them may be inconsistent with one another. Finally, these two methods measure different components of illicit trade, specifically consumption of illicit cigarettes regardless of origin and smuggling of cigarettes into a particular market. However, absent a gold standard, comparisons of different approaches to illicit trade measurement serve efforts to refine and improve measurement approaches and estimates.

Empirical measurement of illicit tobacco trade in the Philippines.

Cigarette smuggling reduces the price of cigarettes, thwarts youth access restrictions, reduces government revenue, and undercuts the ability of taxes to reduce consumption. The tobacco industry often opposes increases to tobacco taxes on the claim that greater taxes induce more smuggling. To date, little is known about the magnitude of smuggling in the Philippines. his information is necessary to effectively address illicit trade and to measure the impacts of tax changes and the introduction of secure tax markings on illicit trade. This study employs two gap discrepancy methods to estimate the magnitude of illicit trade in cigarettes for the Philippines between 1994 and 2009. First, domestic consumption is compared with tax-paid sales to measure the consumption of illicit cigarettes. Second, imports recorded by the Philippines are compared with exports to the Philippines by trade partners to measure smuggling. Domestic consumption fell short of tax-paid sales for all survey years. The magnitude of these differences and a comparison with a prevalence survey for 2009 suggest a high level of survey under-reporting of smoking. In the late 1990s and the mid 2000s, the Philippines experienced two sharp declines in trade discrepancies, from a high of $750 million in 1995 to a low of $133.7 million in 2008. Discrepancies composed more than one-third of the domestic market in 1995, but only 10 percent in 2009. Hong Kong, Singapore, and China together account for more than 80 percent of the cumulative discrepancies over the period and 74 percent of the discrepancy in 2009. The presence of large discrepancies supports the need to implement an effective tax marking and tobacco track and trace system to reduce illicit trade and support tax collection. The absence of a relation between tax changes and smuggling suggests that potential increases in the excise tax should not be discouraged by illicit trade. Finally, the identification of specific trade partners as primary sources for illicit trade may facilitate targeted efforts in cooperation with these governments to reduce illicit trade.