Foucault e a filosofia

Michel Foucault foi um leitor perseverante, embora sui generis, de Kant, e é essa apropriação que iremos analisar. Começaremos pela longa introdução que fez para a sua tradução de Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsicht, mostrando aí o insucesso da antropologia pragmática kantiana. Prosseguiremos com o estudo da Crítica kantiana em Les Mots et les Choses, condição que definiu a transição da episteme Clássica para a Moderna, autorizando no entanto, e simultaneamente, a constituição de uma nova metafísica fora das representações e constituindo uma filosofia obcecada pelo homem, ao reduzir o seu campo de saber às “empiricidades” da vida, da linguagem e do trabalho. Nietzsche virá em seu socorro oferecendo com o “desaparecimento do homem” a promessa do renascimento da filosofia. Finalmente, num terceiro ponto, pensaremos a maneira como Foucault se inscreve mais directamente na recepção kantiana, prolongando-a e renovando-a através do destaque que deu ao “diagnóstico da actualidade” e à “ontologia de nós mesmos”, em vez da “analítica da verdade”, bem como à axiologia da revolução; presentes nos textos que escreveu já na década de 80 sobre Was ist Aufklärung? e Der Streit der Facultäten, definindo aí muito da sua própria condição de pensador, público e privado.

Babies, bodies and entitlement: gendered aspects of access to citizenship in the Republic of Ireland

Since the mid-1990s, automatic citizenship for children born in the Republic has been a source of growing debate against a backdrop of increasing immigration and the peace process. In June 2004, the debate culminated in a referendum, opening the way to a constitutional amendment that attaches residence qualifications to the hitherto unfettered entitlement to citizenship available through ius soli. Arguments for the amendment were couched in terms of a threat posed by Third World women having babies in Ireland to obtain residence, and a putative obligation to the EU to harmonise citizenship laws. This article explores how pregnant foreign women’s bodies became a site of perplexity about the borders of the twenty-first century Irish nation. It is therefore suggested that neither the ‘racial state’ theories nor feminist theories of the nation-state account fully for this. On closer inspection, the seemingly sui generis case of the Irish referendum is therefore fruitful in that it demands further reflection in terms of bridging gaps in the existing theory.

Ireland and immigration: explaining the absence of the far right

Garner seeks to explain the absence of far-right political formations in the history of the Republic of Ireland, especially in relation to immigration. He argues that the ‘mainstream’ nationalist parties have implemented a racialized governance of Ireland via the issue of citizenship (in the referendum of 2004). While hegemonic ideas on the racial purity of indigenous populations and the highly ambivalent attitudes and policies on immigration pursued over the last decade are characteristic of a broader European trend, this has not, in the Republic, been accompanied by meaningful far-right political mobilization. Ireland has frequently been seen as sui generis in political terms, and indeed emerges in some ways as a counter-case: increasing hostility towards Others has been identified in the midst of rapid economic growth and political stability. A variety of issues related to the country’s political development have given rise to an especially small left-wing vote, a nationalist centre ground and longlasting domination by a single populist party, Fianna Fa´ il. This party has been partnered in government since 1997 by a free-market party, the Progressive Democrats, who have contributed to Ireland’s movement towards neo-liberal policies and a highly functional approach to immigration. The transition from country of emigration to country of immigration has thus taken place against an ideological backdrop in which the imperatives of labour demand and consolidating domestic support for reform have made an uneasy match, resulting in the racialization of Irishness. The state has, however, amended the Constitution in order to qualify jus soli citizenship entitlement in the case of particular categories of people: those whose parents are not Irish nationals. The significant stakes of these changes are analysed in the context of state responses to Eire’s transition to a country of immigration, and the role of nationalist-populism in the country’s political culture.

Interregionalism

Interregionalism is deeply rooted in the foreign policies and external relations of the EU. Interregional cooperation today not only encompasses trade and aid but also political dialogue, cultural relations and even security cooperation. Although the EU’s official ambition has been to formalize and institutionalize its interregional relations with other regional bodies or organizations (so-called ‘pure interregionalism’), in practice there are a bewildering variety of interregional or group-to-group relations on display (Hänggi 2006; Baert et al. 2014). The EU is rapidly evolving as a global actor and while doing so it has been trying to export its own civilian and normative values. Interregionalism is an important tool in this process, contributing to the EU’s policy of fostering regionalism worldwide, not only in the triad (Europe, North America and East Asia) (De Lombaerde and Schulz 2009). Through interregionalism, the EU and its regional others enhance their presence, gain recognition, tighten institutional cohesion and define identities. Interregionalism, therefore, occupies a special position in the construction of regional actorness in global affairs (Wunderlich 2012). However, the link between interregionalism and regionalism is both complex and underexplored (Baert et al. 2014; Doidge 2007). Much depends on the type of interregional relations, and the balance of other forms of cooperation, which appears to play out differently in different regions. All this leads to a number of research questions that should be addressed by the academic literature, including is there a preference for interregional relations in EU’s foreign policy? If so, for what reason(s)? What are the consequences of such a preference? What is the role of interregionalism in the broader context of EU’s external policies? How are expressions of regionalism related to expressions of interregionalism? Does the sui generis character of the EU lead to a sui generis character of EU interregionalism? This chapter provides a general overview of the evolution of the field, the key conceptual and analytical debates, as well as the main research questions that drive the research agenda. Emphasis is also placed on identifying the main gaps in the field and suggesting directions.

Quando as regras e normas não estão no papel: uma contribuição da antropologia dos sistemas informais para a elucidação do trabalho dos moto-taxistas em Uberlândia – MG

The motorcycle service, a public service consisting in transporting people and small loads by motorcycle, appeared in Brazil in the great Northeast, in the mid-1990s, but soon spread to all regions of the country. No entanto, a sua ampliação e consolidação pelo território nacional aconteceu de maneira desordenada e desacompanhada de regulamentação. Despite being present in Uberlândia - MG approximately 17 (seventeen) years, the motorcycle taxi service has not been regulated in the city yet. According to the most common theoretical perspective in Brazil, which considers all informal activities that are exempt from regulation by the government, the motorcycle taxi is considered an informal activity in Uberlândia. In this context, this research uses another approach on the informality, based on Anthropology, which takes as its object of analysis the specific meanings attributed by the workers themselves to their informal activities, to demonstrate how the motorcycle taxi service in Uberlândia - MG, although it was done on the sidelines of state regulation, it is able to create a generis operating logic, developing structures, own rules and regulations. Through ethnographic research method and research techniques such as observation and interview, it could demonstrate that Uberlandia citizens moto-taxi drivers are subject to many different stories, in spite of its social life to some small area of their institutional fragile ties , that shape institutional informality, but not the rule of formal relations, socially constructed through private and own cultural codes. The work also seeks to demonstrated that the point of view of institutional relations, much as the motorcycle taxi service is an activity held on the margins of government regulation, it creates its own logic of operation, a kind of organizational subculture, which guides the actions of bike -taxis in the activities and around the city.

Language, Logos, and Social Ontology: Naturalist and Post-Naturalist Narratives of Human Rationality and Social Reality

I distinguish two ways that philosophers have approached and explained the reality and status of human social institutions. I call these approaches “naturalist” and “post-naturalist”. Common to both approaches is an understanding that the status of mind and its relation to the world or “nature” has implications on a conception of the status of institutional reality. Naturalists hold that mind is explicable within a scientific frame that conceives of mind as a fundamentally material process. By proxy, social reality is also materially explicable. Post-naturalists critique this view, holding instead that naturalism is parasitic on contemporary science—it therefore is non-compulsory and distorts how we ought to understand mind and social reality. A comparison of naturalism and post-naturalism will comprise the content of the first chapter. The second chapter turns to tracing out the dimensions of a post-naturalist narrative of mind and social reality. Post-naturalists conceive of mind and its activity of thought as sui generis, and it transpires from this that social institutions are better understood as a rational mind’s mode of the expression in the world. Post-naturalism conceives of social reality as a necessary dimension of thought. Thought requires a second person and thereby a tradition or context of norms that come to both structure its expression and become the products of expression. This is in contrast to the idea that social reality is a production of minds, and thereby derivative. Social reality, self-conscious thought, and thought of the second person are therefore three dimensions of a greater unity.

The New Architecture of EU Equality Law after CHEZ: Did the Court of Justice reconceptualise direct and indirect discrimination?

The Court of Justice’s decision of the 16 July 2015, in Case C-83/14 CHEZ Razpredelenie Bulgaria AD v Komisia za zashtita ot diskriminatsia, is a critically important case for two main reasons. First, it represents a further step along the path of addressing ethnic discrimination against Roma communities in Europe, particularly in Bulgaria, where the case arises. Second, it provides interpretations (sometimes controversial interpretations) of core concepts in the EU antidiscrimination Directives that will be drawn on in the application of equality law well beyond Bulgaria, and well beyond the pressing problem of ethnic discrimination against Roma. This article focuses particularly on the second issue, the potentially broader implications of the case. In particular, it will ask whether the Court of Justice’s approach in CHEZ is subtly redrawing the boundaries of EU equality law in general, in particular by expanding the concept of direct discrimination, or whether the result and the approach adopted is sui generis, one depending on the particular context of the case and the fact that it involves allegations of discrimination against Roma, and therefore of limited general application.

HACIA UNA DEFINICIÓN DE LO "INTER" DE LA INTERACCIÓN COMUNICATIVA INTERCULTURAL

Reflexionamos en este breve texto sobre la naturaleza de la interacción comunicativa intercultural. Rechazamos la posibilidad de caracterizar el espacio creado en encuentros interculturales desde una óptica subjetivista, esto es, como la simple suma de las actividades subjetivas de los interactuantes involucrados. Al mismos tiempo, argüimos que ese espacio no está estructurado, de ante mano, ni por elementos de una pragmática universal ni por tipicidades comunicativas de ninguna de la culturas que entran en contacto. Como alternativa, proponemos concebir la interacción comunicativa intercultural como una entidad sui generis que emerge autogenéticamente

Red de investigadores en matemática educativa: una experiencia en educación a distancia

La educación a distancia es, innegablemente, una demanda social que actualmente está en boga en los sistemas educativos del mundo, tal vez favorecida ampliamente por los modernos medios electrónicos de comunicación y de información. Diversas orientaciones de estudio atienden este hecho: La matemática educativa tendrá que definir su responsabilidad al respecto. En ese sentido, se presenta a continuación una visión, tomada de una experiencia, que tiene la finalidad de identificar los aspectos fundamentales que ayudarán a precisar el objeto de estudio. Tal visión consiste en señalar que la noción de Red, sui generis de las prácticas en esos medios, sea el escenario funcional donde se darán las situaciones de transformación del conocimiento, donde se entenderá al fenómeno didáctico y donde tendrán lugar las prácticas, las resignificaciones, los argumentos y las interacciones.

De plano piloto a metrópole : entraves e desafios da política habitacional de Brasília

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração, Mestrado Profissional em Administração Pública, 2015.

The European Union and its Northern Frontier : EUropean Geopolitics and its Arctic Context

The present study explores EUropean geopolitical agency in a distinct spatio-temporal context: the Arctic region of the early 21st century. Thus, it provides an in-depth analysis of the European Union’s process to construct EUropean legitimacy and credibility in its ‘Northern Neighbourhood’ between 2008 and 2014. Embedded in a conceptual and methodological framework using critical geopolitics, this study assesses the strategic policy reasoning of the EU and the implicit geopolitical discourses that guide and determine a particular line of argumentation so as to claim a ‘legitimate’ role in the Arctic and accordingly construct a distinct ‘EUropean Arctic space’. In doing so, it establishes a clearer picture on the (narrated) regional interests of the EU and the related developed policy and concrete steps taken in order to get hold of these interests. Eventually, the analysis gets to the conceptual bottom of what exactly fashioned the EU with geopolitical agency in the circumpolar North. As a complementary explanation, this study provides a thick description of the area under scrutiny – the Arctic region – in order to explicate the systemic context that conditioned the EU’s regional demeanour and action. Elucidated along the lines of Arctic history and identity, rights, interests and responsibility, it delineates the emergence of the Arctic as a region of and for geopolitics. The findings indicate that the sui generis character of the Arctic as EUropean neighbourhood essentially determined the EU’s regional performance. It explicates that the Union’s ‘traditional’ geopolitical models of civilian or normative power got entangled in a fluid state of Arctic affairs: a distinct regional system, characterised by few strong state actors with pronounced national Arctic interests and identities, and an indefinite local context of environmental changes, economic uncertainties and social challenges. This study applies critical geopolitics in a Political Science context and essentially contributes to a broader understanding of EU foreign policy construction and behaviour. Ultimately, it offers an interdisciplinary approach on how to analyse EU external action by explicitly taking into account the internal and external social processes that ultimately condition a certain EUropean foreign policy performance.

ORDENAMENTO TERRITORIAL E A PRODUÇÃO DOS BIOCOMBUSTÍVEIS: REFLEXÕES SOBRE O CASO BRASILEIRO

Num período que se caracteriza, dentre outras questões, por uma corrida global por alimentos e novas fontes de energia alternativas para suprir a crescente demanda mundial, o Brasil desponta no cenário internacional como o país que possui uma situação sui generis, uma vez que com o seu vasto território, pode supostamente conciliar a produção de alimentos e de matérias-primas para a geração dos biocombustíveis (etanol e biodiesel). Observa-se, portanto, a ocorrência simultânea dos seguintes fenômenos: a intensificação de compra de terras brasileiras por estrangeiros para a produção de commodities agrícolas e matérias-primas para os biocombustíveis e o questionamento dos agentes políticos e econômicos supranacionais quanto à sustentabilidade dos biocombustíveis. Nesse sentido, objetiva-se neste trabalho, discutir o ordenamento territorial como sendo uma ação política imprescindível e estratégica por meio do qual o Estado brasileiro poderá regular a apropriação do território, evitando que a produção de matérias-primas voltadas para a geração dos recursos energéticos alternativos não suplante aquela direcionada para o cultivo de alimentos e vice-versa, além, é claro, impedir novos desarranjos espaciais tais como a disputa por parcelas territoriais entre atores nacionais e estrangeiros.

The effect of foliar sprays of the synthetic auxin 3-5-6 TPA, on fruit drop, fruit size and seed development in three lychee (Litchi chinensis) cultivars: Tai So, Fay Zee Sui and Kwai Mai Pink.

Fruit drop in lychee can cause major yield losses in Australia, the severity varying with cultivar and season. Research in China, South Africa and Israel has demonstrated the potential for synthetic auxins used as foliar sprays to reduce fruit drop in lychee. Trials were initiated in Australia to test the efficacy of the synthetic auxin, 3-5-6 Trichloro-2-phridyl-oxyacetic acid (3-5-6 TPA) at 50 ppm on the cultivars Tai So, Fay Zee Sui and Kwai Mai Pink. Results indicate that in most cases the TPA reduced natural fruit drop however the size of the fruit at the time of application affects the response and the ideal application time varies with cultivar; approximately 13 mm fruit length in 'Kwai Mai Pink', 20 mm in 'Fay Zee Sui' and 27 mm in 'Tai So'. If applied too early in 'Tai So', it caused an increase in fruit drop. The TPA was most effective when natural fruit drop was high, reducing fruit drop from 74.7 to 34.9% in 'Kwai Mai Pink' and least effective when natural fruit drop was low. An increase in the percentage of fruit with poorly developed (chicken tongue) seed and slightly larger fruit size was also observed in treated trees.

Nota preliminare sui nuovi scavi a Monte Ingino - La Rocca Posteriore sul Monte Ingino di Gubbio. (Campagne di scavo 1975-77):"La Nuova Italia

Flavell, P., C.A.T. Malone, and S.K.F. Stoddart, (eds.)..( ed.). G. Meloni. 1987," Editrice - Regione dell'Umbria, : Firenze - Perugia.