Motstånd och stöd : en studie av svenska muslimska församlingar

Opposition and Support: A Study of Swedish Muslim Congregations Anti-Islamic attitudes are deeply rooted in Western Europe, and Muslims have, especially in the post-September 11 context, experienced discrimination and demonization. But how do anti-Islamic attitudes affect practicing Muslims and their congregations? The aim of this study, the first of its kind in Europe, is to present a statistically representative view of how Muslim congregations in Sweden experienced the reactions from the surrounding community. The results of the survey carried out show that according to the representatives of the local congregations (n=105) half of the congregations have experienced opposition from the local community and in 40 percent of the congregations criminal offences have been committed against active Muslims or their places of worship.  This opposition is closely connected with two types of situations: either international occurrences (i.e. terrorist bombings in, for example, London, Madrid) or local events that have emphasized the presence of Islam in the public sphere. A multivariate analysis of the results of the study shows that the strongest opposition has taken place in small municipalities with a large proportion of immigrants. However, opposition does not preclude support. On the contrary, opposition appears to have a mobilizing effect on those who support the right of Muslims to exercise freedom of religion. However, neither opposition nor support are the key factors affecting whether congregations see themselves as established in the local community. The degree of anchorage depends on the demographic composition of the congregation and on the degree of contact that the members have with the surrounding community.

Indústria frigorífica halal no Brasil, mão-de-obra islamita e estado de exceção

In the last decade, Brazilian meat export rates for Muslim religious countries have increased, and also has the immigration of Africans workers able to perform the slaughter following the precepts of Islam - religion that has expanded in the world, and thus, has the halal food segment. Halal, the Islamic ideology, means lawful, authorized by God: are those products that Allah in the Holy Qur'an releases for human consumption. To get halal certification some measures during slaughter/processing food should be taken. In the case of the slaughterhouses the animal must be slaughtered by a Muslim. Consequently, the demand for this skilled labor makes many African-Muslims get jobs in factories owned by BRF Foods, JBS and Marfrig; refugees and with their citizenship rights committed, these individuals live in a socio-political state of exception and overexploitation. In this study we intend to discuss the object of study Islamist workforce in Brazilian halal meat industry using the theoretical reflections of Giorgio Agamben (Homo Sacer in 2002, and State of Exception, 2004) and David Harvey (The Condition of Postmodernity, 2008, and The New Imperialism, 2004) to address the situation of immigrants in the meat business in Brazil, specially those on the halal certification segment, whose working and living conditions were described from academic studies and primary sources (articles in newspapers / magazines, websites, immigration official data). In addition we use the works of Rogério Heasbaert (O mito da desterritorialização, 2007) and Robert Kurz (Os paradoxos dos direitos humanos: inclusão e exclusão na modernidade, 2003) to discuss human mobility in this new century

Espacios de nadie y de todos: Territorio y sociedad en la frontera andalusí al norte del Tajo extremeño (Siglos VIII-XI)

[ES]Entre mediados del siglo VIII y mediados del siglo XII, el espacio comprendido entre el Sistema Central y el río Tajo en su parte extremeña ejerció como confín territorial de al- Andalus. A lo largo de todo este tiempo se sucedieron distintas fases en las que la frontera fluctuó según vinieran los aires cristianos del norte o islámicos del sur. Ello provocaría que estos territorios actuaran con relativa autonomía en muchos momentos de su historia andalusí y que se convirtieran en zonas donde confluían gentes de toda condición social y religiosa. En el presente trabajo tratamos de vislumbrar las dinámicas territoriales y sociales que se dieron en aquella región hasta finales del siglo XI, cuando se produjeron las conquistas cristianas de las ciudades islámicas más importantes de la frontera. [EN] The geographical area between the Spanish Central System and the part of the Tagus passing through Extremadura served as the boundary of the al-Andalus from the 8th to the 12th century. The boundary had different phases that fluctuated according to the influence exercised by the northern Christians or southern Muslims. This allowed these territories to have relative autonomy during its Andalusian history and turned them into zones where people from different social and religious background converged. The aim of this paper is to analyse the territorial and social dynamics of this area until the end of the 11th century, when the Christians conquered the most important Islamic towns of the borderland.

Muslime in Ruanda – von Marginalisierung zu Integration /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 74

Zwischen April und Juni 1994 wurden in dem kleinen zentralafrikanischen Land Ruanda ca. 800.000 Menschen ermordet worden. Die Mehrzahl der Opfer waren Tutsi, aber auch viele Hutu verloren ihr Leben. Nahezu jede internationale und nationale Organisation versagte im Angesicht des Ausmaßes der Tragödie. Auch die in Ruanda sehr einflussreiche katholische Kirche konnte oder wollte die Massaker nicht beenden. Einzig die in der ruandischen Geschichte bis zum Genozid immer marginalisierten Muslime verweigerten in der Mehrzahl eine Teilnahme an den Massakern. Warum es zu diesem Verhalten kam, steht als Ausgangsfrage zu Beginn der Untersuchung. Im Folgenden gliedert sich die Arbeit in drei Teile – Geschichte des Islam bis 1994, Verhalten der Muslime im Völkermord von 1994 und die Veränderungen in den zehn Jahren nach dem Genozid. Die Arbeit, welche sich auf die Ergebnisse einer zweimonatigen Feldforschung und einige ältere Arbeiten zum Thema stützt, macht deutlich, dass die Geschichte der ruandischen Muslime bis 1994 durch eine kontinuierliche Marginalisierung gekennzeichnet war. Als nach dem Völkermord das außergewöhnliche Verhalten der ruandischen Muslime langsam deutlich wurde, änderte sich bei vielen Menschen und auch bei offiziellen Stellen auch die Einstellung gegenüber Muslimen.

Moschee a Milano: La costruzione geografica del diritto alla città

La tesi descrive e analizza la geografia delle moschee in Italia, un tema di grande attualità, in particolare per quanto riguardo il quadro degli studi geografici. La tesi ripercorre quello che è stato il processo di insediamento delle moschee in Italia, attraverso lo studio di casi esemplari, e analizza l’impatto che tale presenza ha esercitato sul territorio italiano, ed in particolare nel contesto urbano di Milano. Questo lavoro, infatti, permette di osservare il “processo di visibilizzazione” che una religione, assente fino a pochi decenni fa dal paesaggio italiano, imprime sul territorio, attraverso i luoghi di culto, le moschee. Il cuore di questo lavoro riflette sulla dimensione della “costruzione dello spazio” evidenziata dalla realizzazione di moschee. Infatti, i frequenti conflitti che accompagnano la proposta o la realizzazione di moschee dimostrano che non tutti hanno ugualmente “diritto alla città”, a un “posto” nello spazio. Le moschee non rappresentano solamente il simbolo della presenza di musulmani nello spazio europeo. Attraverso di esse è possibile leggere la posizione dei musulmani nella società italiana. Le sale di preghiera sorte inizialmente nelle città italiane, e in questo caso a Milano, in luoghi residuali e precari (cantine, garage, etc.) rappresentano una prima fase dell’insediamento dei musulmani nello spazio urbano. Un insediamento poco visibile e poco organizzato visto dalle istituzioni e dalla società senza grandi reazioni negative. I conflitti si innescano invece nel passaggio al tempo del riconoscimento, dell’istituzionalizzazione, in cui una presenza che si pensava temporanea o accidentale si fa stabile, organizzata, visibile e centrale. La realizzazione di moschee rappresenterebbe il passaggio da un’epoca di insediamento spontaneo di una minoranza religiosa arrivata recentemente al momento dell’istituzionalizzazione, dell’attribuzione di un “posto” riconosciuto e legittimo. Dunque, il passaggio dal tempo dell’ospitalità al “tempo del diritto alla città” e del riconoscimento.

La rappresentazione della cultura arabo-islamica nei libri di storia per la scuola secondaria di primo grado. Uno sguardo particolare sull'immagine della donna musulmana

Il presente lavoro di ricerca si focalizza sulla rappresentazione della cultura arabo-islamica, così come viene restituita nei libri di storia per la scuola secondaria di primo grado. Il fatto che il mondo di oggi è caratterizzato, ora più che mai, da continui e inevitabili incontri tra persone con multiple appartenenze esige un forte impegno volto a favorire pacifici rapporti interculturali. A tale scopo si ritiene che i contenuti dei libri di testo abbiano un ruolo molto rilevante. Di qui, uno degli obiettivi consiste nel verificare se i libri di testo veicolano un’efficace educazione alla conoscenza e al rispetto delle altre culture e religioni, all’ascolto e al dialogo interculturale; nonché al superamento dell'etnocentrismo, degli stereotipi e dei pregiudizi. Si è cercato così di verificare – nel campione dei libri di testo presi in esame – quali eventuali pregiudizi ricorrenti, stereotipi o prospettive etnocentriche vengono costruite, consolidate, reiterate e trasmesse, consapevolmente o inconsapevolmente, attraverso le affermazioni o le immagini che illustrano la cultura arabo-islamica. La prima parte della tesi, quella teorica, è dedicata all'approfondimento di due temi: il primo riguarda il rapporto Oriente-Occidente e la rappresentazione dell'altro e il secondo riguarda invece la condizione della donna musulmana tra stereotipi e realtà. La seconda parte invece, quella empirica, è dedicata principalmente all'analisi del contenuto dei testi di storia. Dall'analisi effettuata è evidente l'interesse, da parte degli autori e degli editori dei libri di testo, per il tema della cultura arabo-islamica. Nonostante ciò, si è potuto riscontrare nei libri presi in esame, sebbene in misura differente, la presenza (o compresenza) di stereotipi, generalizzazioni e informazioni parziali, imprecise o errate attorno alla cultura arabo-islamica e a chi vi appartiene.

Standard Language in Bosna and Hercegovina - in Language Policy Documents

From the beginning of the standardisation of language in Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e. from the acceptance of Karadzic's phonetic spelling in the mid-19th century, to the present day when there are three different language standards in force - Bosniac (Muslim), Croatian and Serbian, language in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a subject of political conflict. Documents on language policy from this period show the degree to which domestic and foreign political factors influenced the standard language issue, beginning with the very appellation for the specific norm regulation. The material analysed (proclamations by political, cultural and other organisations as well as corresponding constitutional and statutory provisions on language use) shows the differing treatment of the standard language in Bosnia and Herzegovina in different historical periods. During the period of Turkish rule (until 1878) there was no real political interest in the issue. Under Austro-Hungarian rule (1878-1918) there was an attempt to use the language as a means of forming a united Bosnian nation, but this was later abandoned. During the first Yugoslavia (1918-1941) a uniform solution was imposed on Bosnia and Herzegovina, as throughout the Serbo-Croatian language area, while under the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945), the official language of Bosnia and Herzegovina was Croatian. The period from 1945 to 1991 had two phases: the first a standard language unity of Serbs, Croats, Muslims and Montenegrins (until 1965), and the second a gradual but stormy separation of national languages, which has been largely completed since 1991. The introductory study includes a detailed analysis of all the expressions used, with special reference to the present state, and accompanies the collection of documents which represent the main outcome of the research.

An ethnobotanical survey of the economic and cultural significance of non-timber forest products in the southwest Rhodope Mountain region of Bulgaria

The people of the southwestern Rhodope Mountains of Bulgaria live in small, mountainous villages and rural areas. They rely on berries, herbs, and mushrooms provided by the forest and maintain a lifestyle and culture of gathering them. This study determined the economic and landscape concentration of Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFPs) and how this has changed in the past twenty years in the region of Garmen. The objective was to gauge the cultural and economic significance of NTFPs in the lives of the people who live there. Data was collected using informal, open-ended interviews and through participant observation. Results indicate that ethnicity influence how resources are utilized. Roma people collect mushrooms for income generation; Orthodox Bulgarians gather herbs, berries, and mushrooms for medicinal purposes, to supplement their diets, and to carry on traditions. Bulgarian Muslims collect for a combination of the aforementioned reasons. Changes that occur in the forests affect each of the ethnic groups in different ways and forest management practices should include people’s knowledge and uses of NTFPs.

Transformations in French Anti-Semitism?

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a “new Judeophobia” that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of “Jews,” “Israelis,” and “Zionists.” One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the “altermondialistes,” the communists, and the “neo-Trotskyists.” The article provides answers to the following questions: Are anti-Jewish views on the increase in France today? Do these opinions correlate with negative opinions of other minorities, notably Maghrebians and Muslims? Do they tend to develop among voters and sympathizers with the extreme right or on the extreme left of the political spectrum? And how are they related to opinions concerning Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? My evaluation of the transformations in French anti-Semitism relies on two types of data. The first is police and gendarmerie statistics published by the National Consultative Committee on Human Rights (CNCDH), which is charged with presenting the prime minister with an annual report on the struggle against racism and xenophobia in France. The other is data from surveys, notably surveys commissioned by CNCDH for its annual report and surveys conducted at the Center for Political Research (CEVIPOF) at Sciences Po (Paris Institute for Political Research). The data show that anti-Semitic opinions follow a different logic from acts, that the social, cultural, and political profile of anti-Semites remains very close to that of other types of racists, and that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism do not overlap exactly.

Legal Integration of Islam: A Transatlantic Comparison

The status of Islam in Western societies remains deeply contentious. Countering strident claims on both the right and left, Legal Integration of Islam offers an empirically informed analysis of how four liberal democracies—France, Germany, Canada, and the United States—have responded to the challenge of integrating Islam and Muslim populations. Demonstrating the centrality of the legal system to this process, Christian Joppke and John Torpey reject the widely held notion that Europe is incapable of accommodating Islam and argue that institutional barriers to Muslim integration are no greater on one side of the Atlantic than the other. While Muslims have achieved a substantial degree of equality working through the courts, political dynamics increasingly push back against these gains, particularly in Europe. From a classical liberal viewpoint, religion can either be driven out of public space, as in France, or included without sectarian preference, as in Germany. But both policies come at a price—religious liberty in France and full equality in Germany. Often seen as the flagship of multiculturalism, Canada has found itself responding to nativist and liberal pressures as Muslims become more assertive. And although there have been outbursts of anti-Islamic sentiment in the United States, the legal and political recognition of Islam is well established and largely uncontested. Legal Integration of Islam brings to light the successes and the shortcomings of integrating Islam through law without denying the challenges that this religion presents for liberal societies.

Through the European Looking Glass: Citizenship Tests in the USA, Australia, and Canada

Discussing new or recently reformed citizenship tests in the USA, Australia, and Canada, this article asks whether they amount to a restrictive turn of new world citizenship, similar to recent developments in Europe. I argue that elements of a restrictive turn are noticeable in Australia and Canada, but only at the level of political rhetoric, not of law and policy, which remain liberal and inclusive. Much like in Europe, the restrictive turn is tantamount to Muslims and Islam moving to the center of the integration debate.

"Progressiver Islam" im ausgehenden Zarenreich: Das Plädoyer des St. Petersburger Imams und Regierungsbeamten Ataulla Bajazitov (1846-1911) für die Partizipation der Muslime an der modernen Zivilisation

Ataulla Bajazitov (1846-1911) fulfilled a social double role by serving his Tatar community in St. Petersburg as imam and the Russian state as military Muslim ‘cleric’, translator and teacher. By founding Russia’s first monolingual Tatar newspaper, initiating St. Petersburg’s first Friday mosque and presenting scriptural and rational arguments for the compatibility of Islam and the modern Civilization to a Russian-speaking public as early as 1883, he has been a pioneer among the Muslims in Russia in several respects. In contrast though to similar activities of his Russian contemporary, the Krim Tatar Ismail Gasprinskii (1851-1914), Bajazitov’s endeavours have remained almost unnoticed in Western scholarship. Also in Tatarstan, his books have been only recently reprinted. The present study analyzes Bajazitov’s three monographs written in Russian, namely A Response to Ernest Renan’s lecture “Islam and Science” (1883), The Relationship of Islam towards Science and People of Different Faith (1887) and Islam and Progress (1898). There, he exposes many positions that around that time started to become key arguments of Muslim reformers in the Near East for the progressivness of Islam. The study takes also into account reactions to Bajazitov’s monographs by Russian officers in Tashkent who tried to demonstrate the backwardness of Islam, especially Nikolai Petrovič Ostroumov’s (1846-1930) response in his book entitled Quran and Progress – On the intellectual awakening of today’s Russian Muslims (1901/1903).

Troublesome Issues: Current Debates on Tensions between Gender Equality and Cultural Diversity in Austria

This paper will first deal with the legal and social situation of Islam and Muslims in Austria and then turn to particular “troublesome issues” at the intersection of gender equality and ethnic/religious diversity. The public debate on Muslims particularly focuses on the notion “not willing to integrate” and in the assumption of “parallel societies”. Hierarchical gender relations and “harmful traditions” such as veiling, female genital cutting, forced marriage and honour based violence recently became the centre of attention. We will show that the Austrian debate on these issues is shaped by the idea of “dangerous cultural difference” as something coming from outside and being concentrated in segregated Muslim enclaves. Despite the public authorities’ rejection of the idea that Islam was responsible for “harmful traditions”, legal as well as political measures in Austria not only combat violence against women but also fuel “cultural anxieties” between different ethnic and religious groups.

Political Sociology of Islam Integration: the Role of Liberal Law

In Europe and North America, migration and integration has become a busy subfield of political sociology. Of particular interest in this respect is the integration of Muslims and Islam, which has dominated the debate in Europe. Broadly conceived «political opportunity structures» have received much attention in this context. But the role of liberal law in the integration of Islam has been largely ignored, not by lawyers of course, but by political sociologists who have thus delivered far too negative and truncated pictures of Muslims and Islam in Europe. This is the deficit we sought to redress in Legal Integration of Islam; A Transatlantic Comparison (2013) (co-authored with John Torpey). Some of this study’s main ideas and findings are presented in the following.

Islamophobia as Reactive Co-Radicalization

Since 9/11, 2001, a new form of religious extremism has arguably emerged, one which paradoxically portrays itself as a counter to another perceived extremism regarded as a real and imminent threat. Within North America and Western Europe, as elsewhere, there is an upsurge of various forms of reactionary rhetoric and opposition expressed towards Islam and Muslims. An increase in extremist behaviour, even violence, is appearing from quarters opposed to, or varyingly fearful of, Islamic extremism if not Islam or Muslims. Islamophobia, as a manifestation of fear of an exclusionary Islam, manifests as exclusionary or negatively reactive behaviours with Muslims and Islam as the target. This article explores the idea that Islamophobia can be regarded as a manifestation of religious extremism and, further, that such extremism is construable as “reactive co-radicalization.” It focuses on two European cases – the 2009 Swiss ban on the building of minarets and the 2011 Norwegian massacre carried out by Anders Breivik – as examples of this “reactive co-radicalization.” This term, I suggest, is an apt denominator for the exclusionary reaction to the rising presence of Islam within otherwise secular, albeit nominally Christian, Western European and North American societies, among others.