Qu'est-ce que I'Agropyretum mediterraneum Braun-Blanquet (1931) 1933?

Après une analyse de l'Agropyretum mediterraneum l'auteur montre qu'à la lumière dees conceptions actuelles de la Phytosociologique et sur la base des nombreuses données récemment récoltées sur le litoral méditerranéen, cette association historique correspond en fait à un groupe.

6. Consideraciones nomenclaturales y sistemáticas en el orden "Ammophiletalia" Br.-BI. 1933

La primera propuesta de sistematización fitosociológica, a nivel de alianza, de las comunidades vegetales de las dunas litorales de las costas europeas, fue la de Braun-Blanquet (Jahrb. St. Gallischen Naturwiss. Ges. 57(2): 346. 1921); allí se describe la alianza Ammophilion para incluir dos asociaciones: “Ammophila-Medicago mnarina-Assoziation” y “Crucianelletum”. La primera es el holotipo de la alianza (CEN, Art. 18), puesto que la segunda no fue válidamente publicada (CPN, Art. 7). Posteriormente el mismo autor (Braun-Blanquet, Prodr. Groupements Vég. 1: 5. 1933) describe el orden Ammophiletalia para incluir las alianzas Ammophilion (holotipo del orden) y Ononidion angustissimae all. prov.

The divulgation of hygiene-sanitation matters at the start of Spanish radio (1933-1957)

The work analyse from a journalistic point of view the history radio divulgation of health during the Second Republic and the start of the Franco era. For it, printed sources of the health broadcast conferences have been analysed. The most frequently used radio genre was a combination of informative monologue and monologue opinion. Questions relating to maternal-juvenile health were the most disseminated. In general, the radio language employed responded to the needs for clarity, as well as adapting the message to the target audience. With Francoism, the political slogans were incorporated and the gender discussions were given more importance.

Poverty and power: the Irish Poor Law in a north Antrim town 1861-1921

This examines the workings of the Irish Poor Law in the town of Ballymoney, Co. Antrim, during the period between the end of the Great Famine and Partition. It focuses both on those who administered and those who used the poor law and argues that for the former it provided an important route into local politics and for the latter it represented a crucial strand in the limited strategies for survival open to them. It also demonstrates the impact that local political outlook had on both the administration and the experience of poor relief.

A European Culture War in the Twentieth Century? Antic-Catholicism and Anti-Bolshevism between Moscow, Berlin, and the Vatican 1922 to 1933

The term “culture war” has become a generic expression for secular-catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain and Russia. This essay argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler’s appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. Using correspondence and reports from the Vatican archives, this essay shows how Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilize the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against “godlessness” did not lead to the return of a “Christian State” desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilized the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements.