975 resultados para Marriott Corporation


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Currently, dramatic changes are happening in the IS development industry. The incumbent system developers (hubs) are embracing partnerships with less well established companies (spokes), acting in specific niches. This paper seeks to establish a better understanding of the motives for this strategy. Relying on existing work on strategic alliance formation, it is argued that partnering is particularly attractive, if these small companies possess certain capabilities that are difficult to obtain through other arrangements than partnering. Again drawing on the literature, three categories of capabilities are identified: the capability to innovate within their niche, the capability to provide a specific functionality that can be integrated with the incumbents’ systems, and the capability to address novel markets. These factors are analyzed through a case study. The case represents a market leader in the global IS development industry, which fosters a network of smaller partner firms. The study reveals that temporal dynamics between the identified factors are playing a dominant role in these networks. A cyclical partnership model is developed that attempts to explain the life cycle of a partnership within such a network.

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This paper considers how the multinational corporation's transfer price responds to changes in international corporate effective tax rates. It extends the decentralized decision-making analysis of transfer pricing in the context of different tax rates. It adopts and extends Bond's (1980) model of the decentralized multinational corporation that assumes centralized transfer pricing. The direction of transfer price change is as expected, while the magnitude of change is likely to be less than predicted by the Horst (1971), centralized decision-making model. The paper extends the model further by assuming negotiated transfer pricing, where the analysis is partitioned into perfect and imperfect information cases. The negotiated transfer pricing result reverts to the Horst (1971), or centralized decision-making, result, under perfect information. Under imperfect information, the centralized decision-making result obtains when top management successfully informs division general managers or it successfully implements a non-monetary reward scheme to encourage division general managers to cooperate. Under simplifying assumptions, centralized decision-making dominates decentralized decision-making, while negotiated transfer pricing weakly dominates centralized transfer pricing.

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We review and extend the core literature on international transfer price manipulation to avoid or evade taxes. Under negotiated transfer pricing with a viable bargaining structure, including performance evaluation disconnected from the transfer price, divisions voluntarily exchange accurate information to obtain firm-wide optimality, a result not dependent on restraint from exercising internal market power. For intangible licenses, a larger optimal profit shift for a given tax rate change strengthens incentives for transfer pricing abuse. In practice, an intangible's arm's length range is viewed as a guideline, a context where incentives for abuse materialize. Transfer pricing for intangibles obliges greater tax authority scrutiny.

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ExxonMobil, a Fortune 500 oil and gas corporation, has a global workforce with employees assigned to projects in areas at risk for infectious diseases, particularly malaria. As such, the corporation has put in place a program to protect the health of workers and ensure their safety in malaria endemic zones. This program is called the Malaria Control Program (MCP). One component of this program is the more specific Malaria Chemoprophylaxis Compliance Program (MCCP), in which employees enroll following consent to random drug testing for compliance with the company's chemoprophylaxis requirements. Each year, data is gathered on the number of employees working in these locations and are selected randomly and tested for chemoprophylaxis compliance. The selection strives to test each eligible worker once per year. Test results that come back positive for the chemoprophylaxis drug are considered "detects" and tests that are negative for the drug and therefore show the worker is non-compliant at risk for severe malaria infection are considered "non-detect". ^ The current practice report used aggregate data to calculate statistics on test results to reflect compliance among both employees and contractors in various malaria-endemic areas. This aggregate, non-individualized data has been compiled and reflects the effectiveness and reach of ExxonMobil's Malaria Chemoprophylaxis Compliance Program. In order to assess compliance, information on the number of non-detect test results was compared to the number of tests completed per year. The data shows that over time, non-detect results have declined in both employee and contractor populations, and vary somewhat by location due to size and scope of the MCCP implemented in-country. Although the data indicate a positive trend for the corporation, some recommendations have been made for future implementation of the program.^

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At the end of the communist era, which was characterised as a closed social experiment, Romania found itself in the middle of a globalization process. Its industrial capacities have been considerably reduced through a poor and spendthrift management. There was a mass exodus of the labour force abroad and the educational background for the remaining part was no longer in agreement with the labour market. On these grounds, the vectors of globalization, in the form of foreign investments, entered Romania effortlessly. There even were local communities where the arrival of foreign investors was expected like a second coming of Christ. This is the context in which a Canadian company set forth the mining project Rosia Montana Gold Corporation. The implementation of the project should have started in 2005. Nevertheless, the project has not been effectively launched yet. This situation is based on what we call Romanian glocalization, namely a specific confrontation between global and local on Romanian land

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At the end of the communist era, which was characterised as a closed social experiment, Romania found itself in the middle of a globalization process. Its industrial capacities have been considerably reduced through a poor and spendthrift management. There was a mass exodus of the labour force abroad and the educational background for the remaining part was no longer in agreement with the labour market. On these grounds, the vectors of globalization, in the form of foreign investments, entered Romania effortlessly. There even were local communities where the arrival of foreign investors was expected like a second coming of Christ. This is the context in which a Canadian company set forth the mining project Rosia Montana Gold Corporation. The implementation of the project should have started in 2005. Nevertheless, the project has not been effectively launched yet. This situation is based on what we call Romanian glocalization, namely a specific confrontation between global and local on Romanian land

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At the end of the communist era, which was characterised as a closed social experiment, Romania found itself in the middle of a globalization process. Its industrial capacities have been considerably reduced through a poor and spendthrift management. There was a mass exodus of the labour force abroad and the educational background for the remaining part was no longer in agreement with the labour market. On these grounds, the vectors of globalization, in the form of foreign investments, entered Romania effortlessly. There even were local communities where the arrival of foreign investors was expected like a second coming of Christ. This is the context in which a Canadian company set forth the mining project Rosia Montana Gold Corporation. The implementation of the project should have started in 2005. Nevertheless, the project has not been effectively launched yet. This situation is based on what we call Romanian glocalization, namely a specific confrontation between global and local on Romanian land

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Salaried managers have been increasing in top management of many Taiwanese companies. Why and how have their roles become more important? In order to answer these questions, it is necessary to examine the complicated relationships between salaried managers and the founders' families who appoint them to top-management positions. This paper examines the case of Hsu Chung-Jen, the president of President Chain Store Corporation. PCSC operates Taiwan's 7-ELEVENs, the largest convenience store chain on the island. He may be regarded as the most advanced salaried manager in Taiwan today.

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Three usually unexpressed, and too often unnoticed, conceptual dichotomies underlie our perception and understanding of lawyers’ ethics. First, the existence of a special body of professional ethics and professional regulation presupposes some special need or risk. Criminal and civil law are apparently insufficient. Ordinary day-to-day morality and ordinary ethics, likewise, are not considered to be enough. What is the risk entailed by the notion of a profession that is special; who needs protection, and from what? Two quite different possible answers to this question provide the first of the three dichotomies examined in this article: one can understand the risk as primarily to a vulnerable client from a powerful professional; or, to the contrary, from a powerful client-lawyer combination toward vulnerable others. Second, what is the foundational orientation of lawyers? Are lawyers serving primarily their particular clients, and those clients’ preferences, choices and autonomy? Or is the primary allegiance of lawyers to some community or collective goal or interest distinct from the particular goals or interests of the client? The third dichotomy concerns not the substance of the risk, or the primary orientation, but the appropriate means of responding to that risk or that fundamental obligation. Should professional ethics be implemented primarily through rules? Or, should we rely on character and the discretion of lawyers to make a thought out, all things considered, decision? Each of these three presents a fundamental difference in how we perceive and address issues of lawyers’ ethics. Each affects our understanding and analysis on multiple levels, from (1) determining the appropriate or requisite conduct in a particular situation, to (2) framing a specific rule or approach for a particular category of situations, to (3) more general or abstract theory or policy. A person’s inclinations in regard to the dichotomies affects the conclusions that person will reach on each of those levels of analysis, yet those inclinations and assumptions are frequently unexamined and unarticulated. One’s position on each of the dichotomies tends to structure the approach and outcome without the issues and choice having been explicitly addressed or possibly even noticed. This article is an effort to ameliorate that problem. Part I addresses the question of what is the risk in the work of lawyers, or the function of lawyers, for which professional ethics is the answer. The concluding section focuses on the particular problem of the corporation as client. Part II then asks the related and possibly consequent question of what is the foundational orientation or allegiance of the lawyer? Is it to the individual client? Or is it to some larger community interest? Again, the concluding section focuses on the corporation. Part III turns to the means or method for addressing the obligations and possible problems of the professional ethics of lawyers. Should lawyers’ ethics guide and confine the conduct of lawyers primarily through rules? Or should it function primarily through reliance on the knowledge, judgment and character of lawyers? If the latter were the guide, ethical decisions would be made on a situation by situation basis under the discretion of each lawyer. Toward the end of each discussion possibilities for bridging the dichotomy are considered (and with such bridges each dichotomy may come to look more like a spectrum or continuum.). At several points after its introduction in Parts I and II, the special problem of the corporation as client is revisited and possible solutions suggested. Illustrating the usefulness of keeping the dichotomies in view, Part IV applies them to several exemplary situations of ethical difficulty in actual lawyer practice. For readers finding it difficult to envision the consequences of these distinctions, turning ahead to Part IV may be useful in making the discussion more concrete. Some commonalities across the dichotomies and connections among them are then developed in the concluding section, Part V.

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Three usually unexpressed, and too often unnoticed, conceptual dichotomies underlie our perception and understanding of lawyers’ ethics. First, the existence of a special body of professional ethics and professional regulation presupposes some special need or risk. Criminal and civil law are apparently insufficient. Ordinary day-to-day morality and ordinary ethics, likewise, are not considered to be enough. What is the risk entailed by the notion of a profession that is special; who needs protection, and from what? Two quite different possible answers to this question provide the first of the three dichotomies examined in this article: one can understand the risk as primarily to a vulnerable client from a powerful professional; or, to the contrary, from a powerful client-lawyer combination toward vulnerable others. Second, what is the foundational orientation of lawyers? Are lawyers serving primarily their particular clients, and those clients’ preferences, choices and autonomy? Or is the primary allegiance of lawyers to some community or collective goal or interest distinct from the particular goals or interests of the client? The third dichotomy concerns not the substance of therisk, or the primary orientation, but the appropriate means of responding to that risk or that fundamental obligation. Should professional ethics be implemented primarily through rules? Or, should we rely on character and the discretion of lawyers to make a thought out, all things considered, decision? Each of these three presents a fundamental difference in how we perceive and address issues of lawyers’ ethics. Each affects our understanding and analysis on multiple levels, from (1) determining the appropriate or requisite conduct in aparticular situation, to (2) framing a specific rule or approach for a particular category of situations, to (3) more general or abstract theory or policy. A person’s inclinations in regard to the dichotomies affects the conclusions that person will reach on each of those levels of analysis, yet those inclinations and assumptions are frequently unexamined and unarticulated. One’s position on each of the dichotomies tends to structure the approach and outcome without the issues and choice having been explicitly addressed or possibly even noticed. This article is an effort to ameliorate that problem. Part I addresses the question of what is the risk in the work of lawyers, or the function of lawyers, for which professional ethics is the answer. The concluding section focuses on the particular problem of the corporation as client. Part II then asks the related and possibly consequent question of what is the foundational orientation or allegiance of the lawyer? Is it to the individual client? Or is it to some larger community interest? Again, the concluding section focuses on thecorporation. Part III turns to the means or method for addressing the obligations and possible problems of the professional ethics of lawyers. Should lawyers’ ethics guide and confine the conduct of lawyers primarily through rules? Or should it function primarily through reliance on the knowledge, judgment and character of lawyers? If the latter were the guide, ethical decisions would be made on a situation by situation basis under the discretion of each lawyer. Toward the end of each discussion possibilities for bridging the dichotomy are considered (and with such bridges each dichotomy may come to look more like a spectrum or continuum.). At several points after its introduction in Parts I and II, the special problem of the corporation as client is revisited and possible solutions suggested. Illustrating the usefulness of keeping the dichotomies in view, Part IV applies them to several exemplary situations of ethical difficulty in actual lawyer practice. For readers finding it difficult to envision the consequences of these distinctions, turning ahead to Part IV may be useful in making the discussion more concrete. Some commonalities across the dichotomies and connections among them are then developed in the concluding section, Part V.

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This folder contains six documents: three drafts of a brief March 10, 1817, note to Harvard President John Kirkland, with two of the drafts followed by an October 25, 1819, note to the Harvard College Corporation concerning Croswell's work on Harvard's Library Catalogue.

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Paper notebook containing copies of letters sent by Croswell to the Harvard Corporation in relation to his work on the Harvard Library Catalogue.

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Six documents containing drafts and copies of eleven letters.