133 resultados para LGBT.
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Ce mémoire vise à analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer à Montréal dans un contexte francophone. Bien que plusieurs travaux portent en partie sur les groupes militants queers québécois, aucune recherche ne s'est employée à comprendre comment les militant.es queers à Montréal se constituent comme un collectif qui développe une identité. Pour analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer montréalais, je m'appuie sur la théorie de Melucci (1985; 1996), qui définit l'identité collective d'un mouvement selon plusieurs axes : les champs d'action, les moyens employés et les fins visées, ainsi que le mode d'organisation. Afin de répondre à cette question de recherche, j'ai effectué une recherche documentaire ainsi que sept entrevues avec des militant.es queers montréalais.es francophones. L'analyse des données a été faite grâce à divers travaux qui portent sur les champs d'action, les valeurs, les fins et moyens, le mode d'organisation de mouvements contemporains anti-autoritaires et anti-oppressifs, ainsi qu'en fonction de trois dimensions élaborées par Melucci (1985) : le conflit, la solidarité et les limites du système. Je conclus que l'identité collective comme processus s'articule autour de plusieurs enjeux : premièrement, la diversité des champs d'action, les valeurs anti-oppressives, les relations d'affinités, le mode de vie alternatif et le mode d'organisation anti-oppressif des militant.es queers permettent au mouvement de créer une solidarité interne, d'affirmer une position anti-autoritaire qui brise les limites du système dominant et de se différencier du mouvement LGBT mainstream. Par ailleurs, les actions militantes concrètes qui réalisent le changement dans l'ici et maintenant participent à créer une solidarité et une reconnaissance entre militant.es, ainsi qu'à mettre en lumière un conflit avec le système dominant oppressif. Enfin, les perspectives francophones sur le mouvement queer ne semblent pas donner au bilinguisme du mouvement un rôle fondamental dans la construction de son identité collective. Cependant, l'intérêt marqué des militant.es francophones comparativement aux militant.es anglophones pour la politique institutionnelle fait émerger de nouvelles interrogations sur l'impact que pourrait avoir le mélange des cultures francophone et anglophone à Montréal sur la culture politique et l'identité du mouvement.
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Ce mémoire vise à analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer à Montréal dans un contexte francophone. Bien que plusieurs travaux portent en partie sur les groupes militants queers québécois, aucune recherche ne s'est employée à comprendre comment les militant.es queers à Montréal se constituent comme un collectif qui développe une identité. Pour analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer montréalais, je m'appuie sur la théorie de Melucci (1985; 1996), qui définit l'identité collective d'un mouvement selon plusieurs axes : les champs d'action, les moyens employés et les fins visées, ainsi que le mode d'organisation. Afin de répondre à cette question de recherche, j'ai effectué une recherche documentaire ainsi que sept entrevues avec des militant.es queers montréalais.es francophones. L'analyse des données a été faite grâce à divers travaux qui portent sur les champs d'action, les valeurs, les fins et moyens, le mode d'organisation de mouvements contemporains anti-autoritaires et anti-oppressifs, ainsi qu'en fonction de trois dimensions élaborées par Melucci (1985) : le conflit, la solidarité et les limites du système. Je conclus que l'identité collective comme processus s'articule autour de plusieurs enjeux : premièrement, la diversité des champs d'action, les valeurs anti-oppressives, les relations d'affinités, le mode de vie alternatif et le mode d'organisation anti-oppressif des militant.es queers permettent au mouvement de créer une solidarité interne, d'affirmer une position anti-autoritaire qui brise les limites du système dominant et de se différencier du mouvement LGBT mainstream. Par ailleurs, les actions militantes concrètes qui réalisent le changement dans l'ici et maintenant participent à créer une solidarité et une reconnaissance entre militant.es, ainsi qu'à mettre en lumière un conflit avec le système dominant oppressif. Enfin, les perspectives francophones sur le mouvement queer ne semblent pas donner au bilinguisme du mouvement un rôle fondamental dans la construction de son identité collective. Cependant, l'intérêt marqué des militant.es francophones comparativement aux militant.es anglophones pour la politique institutionnelle fait émerger de nouvelles interrogations sur l'impact que pourrait avoir le mélange des cultures francophone et anglophone à Montréal sur la culture politique et l'identité du mouvement.
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In Reconsidering the Emergence of the Gay Novel in English and German, James P. Wilper examines a key moment in the development of the modern gay novel by analyzing four novels by German, British, and American writers. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.
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Maria McCann paints a dark picture of masculinity and its effects in her novel As Meat Loves Salt (2001). The violent Jacob Cullen struggles with his masculinity as he faces the intricacies of religion, sexuality and politics in the midst of the English Civil War where he falls in love with fellow soldier Christopher Ferris. By using R.W. Connell and James Messerschmidt’s framework for the hierarchy of masculinities, I explore masculinities on local, regional and global levels and emphasized femininity in a close reading of McCann’s novel. My aim is not only to analyse the masculinities of the novel but also to use the framework to redefine toxic masculinity in order to make it a useable concept when analysing masculinities in literature. I redefine toxic masculinity because it lacks a clear definition anchored in an established framework used to study masculinity that does not see masculinity as inherently toxic. I believe that anchoring it to Connell and Messerschmidt’s framework will make it a useable concept. Due to the novel’s relationship to the Bible, I will use masculinity studies done on David and Jesus from the Bible to compare and reveal similarities with the masculinities in the novel, how they appear on the local, regional and global levels in the novel and its effects. I draw parallels between the love story in As Meat Loves Salt to the love story of David and Jonathan in the Bible by using queer readings of David and Jonathan in order to explore how masculinity affects the relationships and how the novel uses these two love stories as a study of toxic masculinity and how it relates it to hegemonic masculinity.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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A presente dissertação aborda os meandros de criação e implementação da principal política pública federal de combate à homofobia: o Programa Brasil sem Homofobia. Traz o cenário atual da luta pelos direitos humanos do segmento homossexual e os avanços e retrocessos no campo da educação e da cidadania de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais. Analisa a partir do conceito de dispositivo forjado por Michel Foucault, o Dispositivo da Sexualidade com enfoque na homossexualidade/homofobia, deste modo identifica as relações de saber-poder que têm envolvido LGBTs positiva e negativamente, através das verdades construídas, das instituições de poder e da subjetividade como força de ruptura. Assim, ressalta o poder de resistência de cada indivíduo, reflete sobre a visibilidade como instância produtiva de poder e discute a unidade da comunidade LGBT para fins de enfrentamento das violações de direitos sofridas por não-heterossexuais.
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Gain insight into crucial British mental health approaches for LGB individuals. There is very little collaborative literature between LGB-affirmative psychologists and psychotherapists in the United States and the United Kingdom. British Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Psychologies: Theory, Research, and Practice may well be a crucial beginning step in building dialogue between these two countries on important LGB psychotherapy developments. Leading authorities comprehensively examine the latest studies and effective therapies for LGB individuals in the United Kingdom. Practitioners will discover an extensive survey of the most current developments to supplement their own work, while educators and students will find diverse expert perspectives on which to consider and broaden their own viewpoints. This unique book offers an informative introduction to British psychosocial perspectives on theory, research, and practice. British Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Psychologies provides a critical exploration of the recent history of LGB psychology and psychotherapy in the United Kingdom, focusing on key publications and outlining the current terrain. Other chapters are organized into two thematic sections. The first section explores theoretical frameworks in United Kingdom therapeutic practice, while the second section examines sexual minority identities and their needs for support and community. Topics in British Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Psychologies include: - similarities and differences between LGBT psychology and psychotherapy in the United States and United Kingdom - gay affirmative therapy (GAT) as a positive framework - existential-phenomenological approach to psychotherapy - core issues in the anxiety about whether or not to “come out” - object relations theory - exploring homo-negativity in the therapeutic process - aspects of psychotherapy that lesbians and gay men find helpful - research into how the mainstreaming of lesbian and gay culture has affected the lives of LGB individuals - study into LGB youth issues - difficulties of gay men with learning disabilities—with suggestions on how to offer the best psychological service - a study on gay athletes’ experiences of coming out in a heterosexist world British Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Psychologies takes a needed step toward sharing valuable psychosocial perspectives between countries. This useful, enlightening text is perfect for educators, students, psychologists, psychotherapists, and counselors working in the field of sexuality.
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In this article we contribute to the expansion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) health psychology beyond the confines of sexual health by examining the experiences of lesbian, gay and bisexual people living with non-HIV related chronic illness. Using a (predominantly) qualitative online survey, the perspectives of 190 LGB people with 52 different chronic illnesses from eight countries were collected. The five most commonly reported physical conditions were arthritis, hypertension, diabetes, asthma and chronic fatigue syndrome. Our analysis focuses on four themes within participants’ written comments: (1) ableism within LGBT communities; (2) isolation from LGBT communities and other LGB people living with chronic illness; (3)heteronormativity within sources of information and support and; (4) homophobia from healthcare professionals. We conclude by suggesting that LGBTQ psychology could usefully draw on critical health psychology principles and frameworks to explore non-heterosexual’s lived experiences of chronic illness, and also that there remains a need for specifically targeted support groups and services for LGB people with chronic illnesses.
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Gay and lesbian prides and marches are of crucial relevance to the way in which non-heterosexual lives are imagined internationally despite regional and national differences. Quite often, these events are connected not only with increased activist mobilisation, but also with great controversy, which is the case of Poland, where gay and lesbian marches have been attacked by right-wing protesters and cancelled by right-wing city authorities on a number of occasions. Overall, the scholars analysing these events have largely focused on the macro-context of the marches, paying less attention to the movement actors behind these events. The contribution of this thesis lies not only in filling a gap when it comes to research on sexual minorities in Eastern Europe/Poland, but also in its focus on micro-level movement processes and engagement with theories of collective identity and citizenship. Furthermore, this thesis challenges the inscription of Eastern European/Polish movements into the narrative of victimhood and delayed development when compared to LGBT movements in the Global North. This thesis is grounded in qualitative research including participant observation of public activist events as well as forty semi-structured interviews with the key organisers of gay and lesbian marches in Warsaw, Poznan and Krakow between 2001 and 2007, and five of these interviews were further accompanied by photo-elicitation (self-directed photography) methods. Starting from the processes whereby from 2001 onwards, marches, pride parades and demonstrations became the most visible and contested activity of the Polish lesbian and gay movement, this thesis examines how the activists redefined the meanings of citizenship in the post-transformation context, by incorporating the theme of sexual minorities' rights. Using Bernstein's (1997, 2002, 2005, 2008) concept of identity deployment, I show how and when movement actors use identity tactically, depending on their goals. Specifically, in the context of movement-media interactions, I examine the ways in which the activists use marches to challenge the negative representations of sexual minorities in Poland. I also broaden Bernstein's framework to include the discussion of emotion work as relevant to public LGBT activism in Poland. Later, I discuss how the emotions of protests allowed the activists to inscribe their efforts into the "revolutionary" narrative of the Polish Solidarity movement and by extension, the frame of citizenship. Finally, this thesis engages with the dilemmas of identity deployment strategies, and seeks to problematise the dichotomy between identity-based gay and lesbian assimilationist strategies and the anti-identity queer politics.
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This article reports on a conversation between 12 lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) psychologists at the first international LGBT Psychology Summer Institute at the University of Michigan in August 2009. Participants discuss how their work in LGBT psychology is affected by national policy, funding and academic contexts and the transnational influence of the US-based stigma model of LGBT psychology. The challenges and possibilities posed by internationalism are discussed with reference to the dominance of the United States, the cultural limits of terms such as 'lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender', intergenerational communication between researchers and the role of events such as the Summer Institute in creating an international community of LGBT psychologists. © 2010 Taylor & Francis.
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Most studies on diversity and discrimination in the workplace have focused on 'visible' minorities such as gender or race, often neglecting the experiences of invisible minorities such as lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) workers. In this paper we explore the practices of inclusion/exclusion of LGBTs in the workplace in Italian social cooperatives, which are specifically founded to create employment for people who are disadvantaged in the labour market. The study examines how organizations, which have an ethos focused on inclusion and mainly employ workers from specific social minority groups, manage the inclusion of LGBT workers. We also explore the experience of LGBT workers within these organizations. The paper reports that the culture of silence existing in the five organizations studied prevents LGBT employees from constructing a work identity which encompasses their sexual identity and prevents the organizations from achieving their aim of being fully inclusive workplaces. © 2013 British Academy of Management.
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This research aims to understand how the affective components involved in transgender relations with documents constitute specific ways in which these people recognize themselves and build their bodies and their paths, their life projects and their relationship with others. We understand that the documents, if the personal identification or those produced by social movements, legal actors and health and the State, are experienced by trans people beyond administrative functions that are initially thought, but also involve a series of emotional experiences mark their subjective processes, in how these people produce themselves and design in the world their sociality networks. We elected as research field two institutions located in the city of João Pessoa (Paraíba State), noting the intense institutional movement, political, social in favor of the rights of transexuals that have occurred in that city in recent years. Thus, the Rights Reference Centre for LGBT and Fight Against Homophobia (Espaço LGBT) and Health Clinic of Transvestites and Transexuals (Ambulatório de Saúde de Travestis e Transexuais) were the spaces where we find our interlocutors and analyze their experiences with the documents noting two key aspects: the search for first name change in the civil registry and the relationship of trans people with documents produced by the health policies and services such as protocols, records, receipts and psychiatric reports. We realized that although there is disagreement about the perception that our interlocutors have on the documentation that regulates health services, all reported experiencing embarrassment in social situations when you have those who make use of a document that is not consistent with the performance and “social face” taken. In addition to the reports of embarrassment, we saw that the discussion of social distress and trauma has grounded the platforms of social movements, public policy, legal processes and become “narratives of pains” that present strong potential micro-political on demand for rights to “trans people”.
Los niveles de homofobia de los futuros docentes: una cuestión de derechos, salud mental y educación
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La homofobia es una de las principales causas de discriminación dentro de los centros de enseñanza. El alumnado lésbico, gay, bisexual y transexual (en adelante LGBT) sufre un tipo de acoso específico que se traduce, entre otras cuestiones, en mayores porcentajes de suicidios y trastornos mentales. Esta situación, conocida por la comunidad científica, ha derivado en varios países –como Ecuador– en políticas educativas para la erradicación de la homofobia mediante legislaciones y planes de estudios que así lo establecen. Desde esta perspectiva, resultar lícito plantearse si estas nuevas políticas educativas están logrando formar a las nuevas generaciones de docentes para que puedan atender la diversidad afectivo sexual existente en las escuelas e institutos. Con la intención de dar respuesta a esta pregunta, se presentan los resultados de una investigación que valoró los niveles de homofobia del profesorado ecuatoriano. La muestra estuvo constituida por 465 futuros docentes (n= 465) que estaban realizando el último curso del grado de Magisterio. Para la evalua- ción se diseñó un cuestionario que posteriormente fue validado mediante una comisión de expertos y un estudio piloto. En el presente artículo se exponen los resultados obtenidos, así como las posibles discusiones que de ellos se pudieran extraen.
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Survival of a Perverse Nation traces the ways in which contemporary Armenian anxieties are congealing into the figure of the “homosexual.” As in other post-Soviet republics, homosexuality has increasingly become defined as the crisis of the times, and is understood by many as a destructive force linked to European encroachment. In Armenia, a growing right-wing nationalist movement since 2012 has been targeting LGBT and feminist activists. I suggest that this movement has arisen out of Armenia’s concerns regarding proper social and biological reproduction in the face of high rates of emigration of especially men in search of work. Many in the country blame this emigration on a post-Soviet oligarchy, with close ties to the government. This oligarchy, having quickly and massively privatized and liquidated industry and land during the war over the region of Nagorno-Karabagh (1990-1994) with Azerbaijan, created widespread un(der)employment. A national narrative attributing the nation’s survival of the 1915 Genocide and dispersion of its populations to strong morality preserved by institutions such as the Church and the family has now, in the post-Soviet era, ruptured into one of moral “perversion.” This dissertation is based on 15 months of ethnographic research, during which I participated in the work of two local non-governmental organizations: Public Information and Need for Knowledge, an LGBT rights organization and Women’s Resource Center, a feminist organization. I also conducted interviews with 150 households across Yerevan, the capital city, and did in-depth interviews with other activists, right-wing nationalists and journalists. Through psychoanalytic frameworks, as well as studies of kinship, I show how sovereignty – the longed for dream for Armenians over the last century – is felt to have failed because of the moral corruption of the illegitimate figures that fill Armenian seats of authority. I, thus, examine the ways in which a missing father of the household is discursively linked to the lack of strong leadership by a corrupt government, producing a prevalent feeling of moral disintegration that nationalists displace onto the “homosexual.”
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South Africa’s first democratic constitution of 1996, which defines the content and scope of citizenship, emerged out of what the country’s Constitutional Court accurately described as ‘a deeply divided society characterized by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice which generated gross violations of human rights, the transgression of humanitarian principles in violent conflicts and a legacy of hatred, fear, guilt and revenge’ (cited in Jagwanth, 2003: 7). The constitution was internationally noteworthy for its expressed protection of women’s and sexual minority rights and its extension of rights of citizenship to socio-economic rights, such as rights of adequate healthcare, housing and education (SAGI, 1996). During South Africa’s first two decades of democracy, the Constitutional Court has proven its independence by advancing citizenship rights on a number of occasions (O’Regan, 2012). The struggle for citizenship was at the heart of the liberation struggle against the apartheid regime and within the complex dynamics of the anti-apartheid movement, increasingly sophisticated and intersectional demands for citizenship were made. South Africa’s constitutional rights for citizenship are not always matched in practice. The country’s high rates of sexual violence, ongoing poverty and inequality and public attitudes towards the rights of sexual minorities and immigrants lag well behind the spirit and letter of the constitution. Nevertheless, the achievement of formal citizenship rights in South Africa was the result of a prolonged and complex liberation struggle and analysis of South Africa demonstrates Werbner’s claim that ‘struggles over citizenship are thus struggles over the very meaning of politics and membership in a community’ (1999: 221). This chapter will begin with a contextual and historical overview before moving onto analyzing the development of non-racialism as a basis for citizenship, non-sexism and gendered citizenship, contestations of white, militarized citizenship and the achievement of sexual citizenship by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights movement. As shall be made clear, all these citizenship demands emerged during the decades of the country’s liberation struggle.