941 resultados para Freedom of concurrence
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This article begins by setting out the human rights provisions that apply to social media expression. It then provides insight into the part social media plays within our society by analysing the social media landscape and how it facilitates a ‘purer’ form of expression. The social media paradox is explored through the lens of current societal issues and concerns regarding the use of social media and how these have manifested into litigation. It concludes by analysing the tension that the application of an array of criminal legislation and jurisprudence has created with freedom of expression, and whether this can successfully mitigated by the Director of Public Prosecution’s Interim Guidelines.
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New media platforms have changed the media landscape forever, as they have altered our perceptions of the limits of communication, and reception of information. Platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp enable individuals to circumvent the traditional mass media, converging audience and producer to create millions of ‘citizen journalists’. This new breed of journalist uses these platforms as a way of, not only receiving news, but of instantaneously, and often spontaneously, expressing opinions and venting and sharing emotions, thoughts and feelings. They are liberated from cultural and physical restraints, such as time, space and location, and they are not constrained by factors that impact upon the traditional media, such as editorial control, owner or political bias or the pressures of generating commercial revenue. A consequence of the way in which these platforms have become ingrained within our social culture is that habits, conventions and social norms, that were once informal and transitory manifestations of social life, are now infused within their use. What were casual and ephemeral actions and/or acts of expression, such as conversing with friends or colleagues or swapping/displaying pictures, or exchanging thoughts that were once kept private, or maybe shared with a select few, have now become formalised and potentially permanent, on view for the world to see. Incidentally, ‘traditional’ journalists and media outlets are also utilising new media, as it allows them to react, and disseminate news, instantaneously, within a hyper-competitive marketplace. However, in a world where we are saturated, not only by citizen journalists, but by traditional media outlets, offering access to news and opinion twenty-four hours a day, via multiple new media platforms, there is increased pressure to ‘break’ news fast and first. This paper will argue that new media, and the culture and environment it has created, for citizen journalists, traditional journalists and the media generally, has altered our perceptions of the limits and boundaries of freedom of expression dramatically, and that the corollary to this seismic shift is the impact on the notion of privacy and private life. Consequently, this paper will examine what a reasonable expectation of privacy may now mean, in a new media world.
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The weak democratic systems that followed decades of military dictatorships in Latin America coupled with the emergence of new authoritarian regimes of the left have had a significant impact on the relationships between the governments and the media. The new populist leaders have challenged the media that have generally reflected the perspectives of the traditional elites. This ideological clash has renewed direct and indirect censorship, curtailing freedom of expression and thus, freedom of the press. In this context, this paper discusses the mechanisms used by Latin American governments, particularly the new authoritarianism of the left, to silence dissident voices. Many of these mechanisms are legal, found in laws related to personal injury and defamation. Others have been of constitutional nature, invoking states of emergency or national security concerns. Some governments have used institutional means to close down newspapers and other sources of information. Current media conditions in Latin America show growing polarization. This has led to considerable levels of violence and intimidation against editors, journalists, and news crews in several countries. It is precisely this type of deterioration of fundamental rights that leads to questioning the strength and sustainability of Latin American democracies.
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This thesis attempted to explain society's worldview of Santeria and its practice of animal sacrifice, and the breakdown between the federal and local government after a 1993 Supreme Court ruling affirming their right to engage in this sacred ritual. Santeria practitioners are harassed and prosecuted for exercising their right to practice animal sacrifice. The research was intended to present the cosmology of the Lukumi tradition, the intellectual framework explored, a review of Freedom of Religion and the case of Lukumi v. Hialeah, and finally the media's role in shaping the worldview of Santeria that have perpetuated this breakdown. The thesis consisted of 87 research items, a community survey, interviews, a Santeria divination, and review of case law, books,newspaper and online journals. These findings demonstrated that freedom of religion is not so free in the U.S., and exists only to the extent the media and municipal laws choose to allow.
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Peer reviewed
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What opportunities and challenges are presented to religious education across the globe by the basic human right of freedom of religion and belief? To what extent does religious education facilitate or inhibit ‘freedom of religion’ in schools? What contribution can religious education make to freedom in the modern world? This volume provides answers to these and related questions by drawing together a selection of the papers delivered at the seventeenth session of the International Seminar on Religious Education and Values held in Ottawa in 2010. These reflections from international scholars, drawing upon historical, theoretical and empirical perspectives, provide insights into the development of religious education in a range of national contexts, from Europe to Canada and South Africa, as well as illuminating possible future directions for the subject.
An appraisal of the implementation of freedom of association as a labour right: Nigerian perspective
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No abstract available.
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The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution
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Les contrats de distribution exclusive sont couramment utilisés dans la mise en marché des produits. Des doutes et des critiques ont été, pourtant, soulevés relativement à leur validité au regard du droit de la concurrence. Ces ententes et les pratiques qui en découlent paraissent, à première vue, anticoncurrentielles. Le propos de ce mémoire est d’examiner dans quelle mesure les contrats de distribution exclusive peuvent, en fait, stimuler la concurrence et de montrer, en conséquence, qu’ils devraient être considérés licites eu égard au droit de la concurrence. Nous trouvons, d’une part, que les pratiques exclusives sont suspectes vu qu’elles réduisent la liberté contractuelle du producteur et du distributeur. Cette restriction est susceptible d’entraver la concurrence à cause du pouvoir de marché qu’elle crée et elle peut, de ce fait, engendrer le monopole. La Loi sur la concurrence interdit de tels agissements. Les contrats de distribution exclusive peuvent, d’autre part, favoriser réellement la concurrence. Ils constituent un instrument stratégique utilisé par les entrepreneurs dans leur lutte pour accroître leur part de marché. La distribution exclusive, en portant les acteurs commerciaux à chercher les meilleures stratégies, renforce la concurrence. Celle-ci doit être entendue non seulement comme une constante rivalité entre toutes les entreprises, mais elle doit aussi inclure la coopération entre certaines entreprises en vue de mieux concurrencer d’autres à un niveau plus général. Une juste appréciation de la concurrence dans les contrats de distribution exclusive requiert le recours à l’analyse économique du droit. Cette analyse permet une évaluation de la concurrence basée sur le critère de l’efficience économique. En vue de déterminer si une pratique donnée augmente ou non le bien-être général (sur quoi l’analyse de l’efficience met l’accent), les effets négatifs de cette pratique devraient être mis en balance avec ses effets positifs résultant des gains en efficience. C’est dans ce sens que le droit de la concurrence a évolué tant dans l’Union européenne qu’aux États-Unis et au Canada pour permettre les ententes qui entraînent des gains nets d’efficience. Ce qu’on aurait pu condamner autrefois pour entrave à la concurrence, peut maintenant paraître comme une stratégie commerciale licite et saine. Compte tenu de ce récent développement, notre analyse nous conduit à la conclusion que les accords de distribution exclusive devraient être considérés licites dans la mesure où ils améliorent le bien-être du consommateur.
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This article deals with several international instruments which provide legal guarantees for media diversity, which is essential for the promotion of cultural diversity. Based on several articles of the Convention of cultural diversity, the General Comment of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights No. 21 on the right to take part in cultural life, as well as the work of the UN Independent Expert on Cultural Rights, this article aims to identify legal tools for the establishing of measures promoting cultural diversity in the media. This article looks at the case study of Honduran Garifuna community radios. It emphasizes the importance of taking into account the economic aspects of cultural and communicational rights.
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Type IV secretion systems (T4SS) are used by Gram-negative bacteria to translocate protein and DNA substrates across the cell envelope and into target cells. Translocation across the outer membrane is achieved via a ringed tetradecameric outer membrane complex made up of a small VirB7 lipoprotein (normally 30 to 45 residues in the mature form) and the C-terminal domains of the VirB9 and VirB10 subunits. Several species from the genera of Xanthomonas phytopathogens possess an uncharacterized type IV secretion system with some distinguishing features, one of which is an unusually large VirB7 subunit (118 residues in the mature form). Here, we report the NMR and 1.0 angstrom X-ray structures of the VirB7 subunit from Xanthomonas citri subsp. citri (VirB7(XAC2622)) and its interaction with VirB9. NMR solution studies show that residues 27-41 of the disordered flexible N-terminal region of VirB7(XAC2622) interact specifically with the VirB9 C-terminal domain, resulting in a significant reduction in the conformational freedom of both regions. VirB7(XAC2622) has a unique C-terminal domain whose topology is strikingly similar to that of N0 domains found in proteins from different systems involved in transport across the bacterial outer membrane. We show that VirB7(XAC2622) oligomerizes through interactions involving conserved residues in the N0 domain and residues 42-49 within the flexible N-terminal region and that these homotropic interactions can persist in the presence of heterotropic interactions with VirB9. Finally, we propose that VirB(7XAC2622) oligomerization is compatible with the core complex structure in a manner such that the N0 domains form an extra layer on the perimeter of the tetradecameric ring.
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The Cluster Variation Method (CVM), introduced over 50 years ago by Prof. Dr. Ryoichi Kikuchi, is applied to the thermodynamic modeling of the BCC Cr-Fe system in the irregular tetrahedron approximation, using experimental thermochemical data as initial input for accessing the model parameters. The results are checked against independent data on the low-temperature miscibility gap, using increasingly accurate thermodynamic models, first by the inclusion of the magnetic degrees of freedom of iron and then also by the inclusion of the magnetic degrees of freedom of chromium. It is shown that a reasonably accurate description of the phase diagram at the iron-rich side (i.e. the miscibility gap borders and the Curie line) is obtained, but only at expense of the agreement with the above mentioned thermochemical data. Reasons for these inconsistencies are discussed, especially with regard to the need of introducing vibrational degrees of freedom in the CVM model. (C) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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P-representation techniques, which have been very successful in quantum optics and in other fields, are also useful for general bosonic quantum-dynamical many-body calculations such as Bose-Einstein condensation. We introduce a representation called the gauge P representation, which greatly widens the range of tractable problems. Our treatment results in an infinite set of possible time evolution equations, depending on arbitrary gauge functions that can be optimized for a given quantum system. In some cases, previous methods can give erroneous results, due to the usual assumption of vanishing boundary conditions being invalid for those particular systems. Solutions are given to this boundary-term problem for all the cases where it is known to occur: two-photon absorption and the single-mode laser. We also provide some brief guidelines on how to apply the stochastic gauge method to other systems in general, quantify the freedom of choice in the resulting equations, and make a comparison to related recent developments.
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This article aims to discuss Locke`s compatibilism, that is, the lokean thesis that freedom is compatible with the natural necessity. To this end, it is analized the chapter Of The Power (XXI, book II of the An Essay concerning Human Understanding), in which Locke clarifies the concepts of freedom and will. Although Locke, at times, involves himself with the incongruent thesis on compatibilism, he is a compatibilist. The impression that Locke would defend incompatibilists` theories ends up being abandoned when we analyze carefully his general argument about will and freedom. Locke literally defends that the volunteer does not differ from the necessary. As a compatibilist, Locke maintains that will is not free. Thus, the free man can not be the one that is free to want. A man regarded as a free agent is the one that has freedom of action, not freedom of will.