1000 resultados para Espanya - Emigració i immigració - Política governamental
Resumo:
L’escolarització de la infància estrangera es fa en programes de canvi de llengua de la llar a l’escola. Per això, el progrés de les criatures estrangeres en el domini de la llengua del centre docent remet a fer possible una pràctica educativa semblant a aquella que permet assolir l’èxit escolar en els programes d’immersió lingüística. L’article discuteix aquesta qüestió a partir d’un estudi empíric i proposa alguns criteris per orientar la pràctica educativa amb aquest alumnat
Resumo:
M. Foucault's analyses about the relations between knowledge and power, can be very useful to do researchs into the field of Philosophical Anthropology. From these analyses it would be possible, for instance, to perceive Philosophical Anthropology as un internal ethnology of our culture that reports the systems of normalization of the present
Resumo:
En aquesta tesi doctoral es pretén estudiar les diferents polítiques de paisatge a Europa, centrant-se en l’estudi a fons del Conveni Europeu del Paisatge, únic instrument dedicat exclusivament al paisatge. Mitjançant l’anàlisi de tres casos d’estudi, Espanya, Alemanya i Eslovàquia, més l’estudi de respectives regions dels mateixos, s’explicaran les eines i instruments existents avui per protegir, gestionar i ordenar el paisatge, afegint, però, l’element social, indiscutiblement lligat a la manera de veure, pensar i viure el paisatge. Es respon així a la hipòtesis de si ens trobem davant un canvi de paradigma, davant una nova sensibilitat respecte del paisatge. Indirectament es responen a dues preguntes més: demostrar si després de 10 anys de funcionament del Conveni Europeu del Paisatge aquest es perfila com a instrument per excel•lència per protegir, gestionar i ordenar el paisatge a Europa i si és possible l’existència de polítiques de paisatge efectives al marge del Conveni Europeu del Paisatge.
Resumo:
O objetivo desta monografia é fazer uma retrospectiva histórica da política dos Governos Militares no Brasil, a partir de 1964, sobre a questão da reforma agrária e como se insere a política de Colonização da Amazônia neste contexto. Trata-se da colonização na Amazônia, sob seu aspecto de concepção política ao nível governamental, caracterizando o esvaziamento de sua abordagem social, em detrimento de interesses econômicos que, por fim, acarretaram em agravamento de conflitos sociais. São analisados os instrumentos jurídicos que propiciaram a ocupação da Amazônia, via colonização, assim como os resultados dessa política.
Resumo:
Analisa a influência da criação de linhas de financiamento, com taxas subsidiadas, sobre a estrutura financeira dessas empresas, tecendo algumas considerações sobre sua política de financiamento. Aborda os efeitos do endividamento sobre a alavancagem financeira. Analisa os efeitos da política de contenção dos preços pelo CIP Conselho Interministerial de Preços) sobre a alavancagem operacional. Verifica a contribuição dos Incentivos de IPI criados pelo Decreto Lei n. 1547/77 , como fonte de fundos dessas empresas.
Resumo:
The main goal of this paper is to analyze the political outcome in countries where the relevant issue in elections is the control of immigration. In particular we explore the consequences on the political outcome of the fact that parties are either ideological or opportunistic with respect to this issue. In order to do that we use a simple two-party political competition model in which the issues over which parties take positions are the level of border enforcement and the way it has to be ?nanced. We show that an ideological rather than a pure opportunistic behavior gives parties an advantage to win the election. In particular, in most of the cases we consider we ?nd that rightist parties have an advantage to win in countries where the relevant issue in election is illegal immigration. This result may help us to understand the recent success of anti-immigrant and rightist parties in several countries.
Resumo:
The productive characteristics of migrating individuals, emigrant selection, affect welfare. The empirical estimation of the degree of selection suffers from a lack of complete and nationally representative data. This paper uses a new and better dataset to address both issues: the ENET (Mexican Labor Survey), which identifies emigrants right before they leave and allows a direct comparison to non-migrants. This dataset presents a relevant dichotomy: it shows on average negative selection for Mexican emigrants to the United States for the period 2000-2004 together with positive selection in Mexican emigration out of rural Mexico to the United States in the same period. Three theories that could explain this dichotomy are tested. Whereas higher skill prices in Mexico than in the US are enough to explain negative selection in urban Mexico, its combination with network effects and wealth constraints is required to account for positive selection in rural Mexico.
Resumo:
This paper examines the extent to which Mexican emigrants to the United States are negatively selected, that is, have lower skills than individuals who remain in Mexico. Previous studies have been limited by the lack of nationally representative longitudinal data. This one uses a newly available household survey, which identifies emigrants before they leave and allows a direct comparison to non-migrants. I find that, on average, US bound Mexican emigrants from 2000 to 2004 earn a lower wage and have less schooling years than individuals who remain in Mexico, evidence of negative selection. This supports the original hypothesis of Borjas (AER, 1987) and argues against recent findings, notably those of Chiquiar and Hanson (JPE, 2005). The discrepancy with the latter is primarily due to an under-count of unskilled migrants in US sources and secondarily to the omission of unobservables in their methodology.
Resumo:
The Republic of Haiti is the prime international remittances recipient country in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region relative to its gross domestic product (GDP). The downside of this observation may be that this country is also the first exporter of skilled workers in the world by population size. The present research uses a zero-altered negative binomial (with logit inflation) to model households' international migration decision process, and endogenous regressors' Amemiya Generalized Least Squares method (instrumental variable Tobit, IV-Tobit) to account for selectivity and endogeneity issues in assessing the impact of remittances on labor market outcomes. Results are in line with what has been found so far in this literature in terms of a decline of labor supply in the presence of remittances. However, the impact of international remittances does not seem to be important in determining recipient households' labor participation behavior, particularly for women.
Resumo:
Proyecto realizado a partir de una estancia en la Facultad Latinoaméricana de Ciencias Sociales de Quito, Ecuador, entre julio y octubre del 2006. La estancia de investigación está enmarcada en la realización de una tesis doctoral sobre las connotaciones sociales y culturales que las remesas tienen para la migración ecuatoriana en España. Se pretende aportar conocimiento sobre las remesas partiendo de los posibles significados sociales y culturales que éstas guardan para los migrantes y sus familiares. En la mayor parte de los estudios sobre remesas han abundado una visión economicista y centrada únicamente en aspectos cuantitativos dejando a un margen aspectos como el papel que las remesas juegan en el mantenimiento del espacio social transnacional, su relación con el proyecto migratorio, o el uso y finalidad que se hace de estas remesas dentro del grupo doméstico. En este sentido, la estancia ha permitido realizar parte del trabajo de campo de la investigación (observación participante, realización de entrevistas semiestructuradas a familiares de migrantes, migrantes retornados, y migrantes que estaban de vacaciones, realización de grupos focales), así como contrastar y discutir algunas de las primeras conclusiones obtenidas en el trabajo con investigadores de este tema en Ecuador y realizar un vaciado de bibliografía publicada en Ecuador relacionada con el tema.
Resumo:
La literatura sobre asimilación de los inmigrantes ha destacado la portabilidad imperfecta del capital humano acumulado por éstos en su país de origen (Chiswick, 1978; Friedberg, 2000). Ello explicaría la escasa asimilación en el momento de llegar al nuevo país, así como la gran brecha salarial inicial. Recientemente, una serie de trabajos (Chiswick y Miller, 2007 o Green, Kler y Leeves, 2007, entre otros) han abordado este tema desde la perspectiva de la sobreeducación. Enmarcado en esta literatura, el presente trabajo analiza la portabilidad del capital humano de los inmigrantes al mercado de trabajo español en función de su origen geográfico. Asimismo, trata de contrastar para el caso español las regularidades empíricas más destacables de dichos trabajos. Los resultados obtenidos señalan un distinto grado de transferibilidad del capital humano según origen geográfico, siendo superior la del capital humano acumulado en países de elevado desarrollo o de cultura e idioma próximos y menor la del procedente de países en desarrollo y culturas distantes. La evidencia es relativamente dispar para ambos componentes del capital humano: mientras que ello es especialmente claro para los estudios, resulta menos evidente para la experiencia. Se confirma, asimismo, para el caso español que los inmigrantes padecen una mayor sobreeducación, tanto en incidencia como en intensidad, y que ello implica una mayor penalización salarial relativa, con resultados siempre peores para inmigrantes del segundo grupo de países. A medida que los inmigrantes prolongan su estancia en España existe un proceso de asimilación, excepto para asiáticos y en algunas especificaciones tampoco para los procedentes del África subsahariana, si bien la velocidad de asimilación es notablemente lenta.
Resumo:
This empirical work studies the influence of immigrant students on individuals’ school choice in one of the most populated regions in Spain: Catalonia. It has estimated, following the Poisson model, the probability that a certain school, which immigrant students are already attending, may be chosen by natives as well as by immigrants, respectively. The information provided by the Catalonia School Department presents school characteristics of all the primary and secondary schools in Catalonia during the 2001/02 and 2002/03 school years. The results obtained support the evidence that Catalonia native families avoid schools attended by immigrants. Natives certainly prefer not to interact with immigrants. Private schools are more successful in avoiding immigrants. Finally, the main reason for non-natives’ choice is the presence of other non-natives in the same school.
Resumo:
The 3x1 Program for Migrants is a matching grant scheme that seeks to direct the money sent by migrant organizations abroad to the provision of public and social infrastructure, and to productive projects in migrants’ communities of origin. To do so, the municipal, state, and federal administrations match the amount sent by hometown associations by 3 to 1. This opens the door to the political manipulation of the program. We explore the impact of a particular facet of Mexican political life on the operation of the 3x1: its recent democratization and the increasing political competition at the municipal level. Relying on the literature on redistributive politics, we posit that an increasing number of effective parties in elections may have two different effects. On the one hand, the need to cater to more heterogeneous constituencies may increase the provision of public projects. On the other hand, since smaller coalitions are needed to win elections under tighter competition, fewer public and more private (clientelistic) projects could be awarded. Using a unique dataset on the 3x1 Program for Migrants for over 2,400 municipalities in the period 2002 through 2007, we find a lower provision of public goods in electorally competitive jurisdictions. Thus, we remain sceptical about the program success in promoting public goods in politically competitive locations with high migration levels.