Gender, Politics and Democratisation in Cameroon

Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

Child sexual abuse and access to justice for civil claims: Time to reform the Limitation of Actions Act 1974 (Qld)

In 2015, Victoria passed laws removing the time limit in which a survivor of child sexual abuse can commence a civil claim for personal injury. The law applies also to physical abuse, and to psychological injury arising from those forms of abuse. In 2016, New South Wales made almost identical legal reforms. These reforms were partly motivated by the recommendations of inquiries into institutional child abuse. Of particular relevance is that the Australian Royal Commission Into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse recommended in 2015 that all States and Territories remove their time limits for civil claims. This presentation explores the problems with standard time limits when applied to child sexual abuse cases (whether occurring within or beyond institutions), the scientific, ethical and legal justifications for lifting the time limits, and solutions for future law reform.

The Gendered Social Organisation of Defence: Two Ethnographic Case Studies in the Finnish Defence Forces

In Finland the organising of defence is undergoing vast restructuring. Recent legislation has redefined the central tasks of the Finnish Defence Forces. At the same time, international security cooperation, economic pressures and new administrative paradigms have steered the military towards new ways of organising. National defence is not just politics and principles; to a large extent it is also enacted in day-to-day life in organisations. The lens through which these realities of defence are analysed in this study is gender. How is the security sector – and national defence as part of it – organised in the changing security environment? What is the new division of labour between different societal actors in the face of security challenges? What happens ‘at work’ within the military and the defence sector more broadly? How does gender affect the way in which defence is organised and understood, and how do the changes in the organising of security affect gender relations? The thesis searches for answers to these questions in the context of two organisational settings in the male-dominated defence sector. The case study on a Finnish peacekeeping unit in the Balkans opens a critical view on men’s social practices and the everyday life of crisis management organisations. In the second case study, reorganising of provisioning in the Finnish Defence Forces turns out to be a complicated process where different power relations and social divisions intermingle. Tallberg’s extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the two focal organisations has produced a detailed set of data that lays the basis for critical analysis and policy development in terms of defence organising, cooperation around peace and security issues, and gender equality in organisations. Observations and results are provided for understanding social networks, militarisation, authority relations, care, public-private partnerships, personnel policies, career planning, and humour.

Valkolakki vai haalarit, vaiko molemmat : Koulutuspolitiikan vaikuttajien näkemykset toisen asteen kehityksestä

In the present research Finnish education policy-makers describe the transformation in upper secondary education in the 1990s. They answered questions related to equality and all-round education. The timeline of the research extends from the early development of the welfare state and equality policy to the 2000s. Its focus is on upper secondary education, which, in this paper, denotes general upper secondary education and vocational upper secondary education. The chronological analysis proceeds from the education committee of 1971 up to the youth education experiment of the 1990s. The voices of the then policy-makers are heard in this research. They were the ones who planned the reforms and/or made the decisions. This being the case, the interviewees include cabinet ministers, permanent secretaries, representatives of organisations and the research community as well as civil servants. The research material can be construed as contextual interpretations of the past, influenced by both the times and places where the narrations were given. The persons interviewed described their experiences and views on education policy. In their narratives they illustrated the transformation that occurred in relation to equality and all-round education. The narrative interviews painted a picture of the upper secondary education transformation and the matriculation examination as having a slowing effect on education policy reforms. It was not until the 1990s when the said examination began to make a difference to students in vocational upper secondary education Those interviewed named the persons who, in their opinion, had the most say in Finnish education policy. This list comprised a small circle of people who more or less agreed on the grand values of education policy, i.e. all-round education and equality. Only a small minority represented a radical view of equality, being true believers in universal upper secondary education implemented in accordance with comprehensive school reform. Finnish education policy was led from the perspective of traditional conception of equality from the 1970s to the 1980s. The transformation finally occurred in the 1990s when equality was understood to mean individual needs and the right to choose. As was the case with matriculation education, the insistence on all-round education also hampered the development of universal upper secondary education. The interviews revealed that any attempts to increase the academic syllabus of vocational education caused organisations as well as other policy-makers to oppose such development well into the 1980s. It was not until the youth education experiment of the 1990s that vocational education finally carved a path to higher education, when the polytechnic schools were made permanent. Three principal groups of key players emerged in the research: ministers of education, civil servants and organisations. The research showed that the ministers and civil servant education policy-makers of the 1990s also included only handful women. The circle of policy-makers was small and represented similar schools of thought. In the 1970s era of government committees, representatives of organisations actively participated in education policy. When the committee establishment was discontinued, this eliminated lobbying venues for the organisations. Nonetheless, the organisations regained their policymaking status in the 1990s. New lobbying organisations included the Finnish Entrepreneurs and the Union of Finnish Upper Secondary School Students. However, in contrast to the 1970s, only rarely would individuals rise from the ranks of organisations to the cadre of policy-makers. The interviewees had a twofold view of neo-liberalism Contrary to other policy-makers, representatives of the research community and organisations concur that neo-liberalism did exist in education policy decision-making in the 1990s.

The Liminality of Cosmopolitanism from the Global South – Transnational Activists in Costa Rica between Colonial Legacies and Decolonial Attitudes

The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.

Work/Family Reconciliation: Corporate Management, Family Policies, and Gender Equality in the Finnish Context

Work/family reconciliation is a crucial question for both personal well-being and on societal level for productivity and re-production throughout the Western world. This thesis examines work/family reconciliation on societal and organisational level in the Finnish context. The study is based on an initial framework, developing it further and analysing the results with help of it. The methodology of the study is plural, including varying epistemological emphasis and both quantitative and qualitative methods. Policy analysis from two different sectors is followed by a survey answered by 113 HR-managers, and then, based on quantitative analyses, interviews in four chosen case companies. The central findings of the thesis are that there indeed are written corporate level policies for reconciling work and family in companies operating in Finland, in spite of the strong state level involvement in creating a policy context in work/family reconciliation. Also, the existing policies vary in accessibility and use. The most frequently used work/family policies still are the statutory state level policies for family leave, taking place when a baby is born and during his or her first years. Still, there are new policies arising, such as a nurse for an employee’s child who has fallen ill, that are based on company activity only, which shows in both accessibility and use of the policy. Reasons for developing corporate level work/family policies vary among the so-called pro-active and re-active companies. In general, family law has a substantial effect for developing corporate level policies. Also headquarter gender equality strategies as well as employee demands are important. In regression analyses, it was found that corporate image and importance in recruitment are the foremost reasons for companies to develop policies, not for example the amount of female employees in the company. The reasons for policy development can be summarized into normative pressures, coercive pressures and mimetic pressures, in line with findings from institutional theory. This research, however, includes awareness of different stakeholder interests and recognizes that institutional theory needs to be complemented with notions of gender and family, which seem to play a part in perceived work/family conflict and need for further work/family policies both in managers’ personal lives and on the organisational level. A very central finding, demanding more attention, is the by HR managers perceived change in values towards work and commitment towards organisation at the youngest working generation, Generation Y. This combined with the need for key personnel has brought new challenges to companies especially in knowledge business and will presumably lead to further development of flexible practices in organisations. The accessibility to this flexibility seems to, however, be even more dependent on the specific knowledge and skills of the employee. How this generation will change the organisations remains to be seen in further research.

Maintaining dynamic sequences under equality tests in polylogarithmic time

We present a randomized and a deterministic data structure for maintaining a dynamic family of sequences under equality tests of pairs of sequences and creations of new sequences by joining or splitting existing sequences. Both data structures support equality tests in O(1) time. The randomized version supports new sequence creations in O(log(2) n) expected time where n is the length of the sequence created. The deterministic solution supports sequence creations in O(log n (log m log* m + log n)) time for the mth operation.

Las técnicas de fecundación artificial en el proyecto del Código Civil : manipulación genética y responsabilidad médica

Introducción: Uno de los grandes temas en discusión en 2012 por parte de la doctrina jurídica argentina ha sido la presentación ante el Congreso Nacional del “Proyecto de Reforma, Unificación y Actualización de los Códigos Civil y Comercial de la Nación”. Así las cosas, varias son las voces que se han alzado tanto a favor de la reforma como en su contra. Mientras que algunos consideran que la legislación proyectada implica un avance en materia de derechos humanos, llegando a tildarla como la “reforma más participativa de la historia”1; otros se apartan de esta idea y ven en el Proyecto grandes deficiencias. En el presente trabajo intentaremos analizar uno de los artículos más polémicos de la reforma: el Artículo 19, referente al comienzo de la existencia de la persona humana. Mas no habremos de agotar nuestra investigación allí, proseguiremos analizando otro artículo que puede pasar inadvertido pero que conlleva grandes implicancias si se analiza a la luz del 19. Hacemos referencia al Artículo 57, el cual trata acerca de las prácticas destinadas a alterar la constitución genética de la descendencia. Por último, buscaremos ver qué implicancias puede generar este panorama respecto de la responsabilidad de los profesionales de la salud.

Contabilidad y estados contables : implicancias del nuevo ordenamiento del Código Civil y Comercial de la Nación

Resumen: El presente artículo se corresponde con aspectos del nuevo ordenamiento contable establecido en el texto normativo del Código Civil y Comercial de la Nación – Ley 26.994- que entrará en vigencia el 1 de agosto de 2015. Profundizamos el análisis de la parte pertinente a CONTABILIDAD y ESTADOS CONTABLES. (Arts. 320 a 331 y artículos relacionados - Arts.145 a 148). Las novedades más relevantes se refieren a la clasificación de las personas en humanas y jurídicas (públicas y privadas); la definición de los sujetos obligados a llevar registro contable, los excluidos de hacerlo, los libros a emplear, el modo de llevarlos y ciertos requisitos. También incluye disposiciones sobre los Estados Contables y la documentación respaldatoria. Las reformas incluidas en el Código unificado aún no logran dar respuestas a los requerimientos de los profesionales en Ciencias Económicas, que desempeñan un rol protagónico en la aplicación de dichas normas.

El escrito autobiográfico de Fernando Álvarez de Albornoz y la guerra civil castellana (1366- 1371)

Resumen: En la segunda mitad del siglo XIV, Fernando Álvarez de Albornoz escribió un texto autobiográfi co en latín en la hoja de guarda de un códice del Decreto de Graciano. Parte de este texto es un relato de la guerra civil castellana (1366-1371), probablemente basado en la información que le llegó a Italia a través de cartas enviadas a él o a alguno de sus familiares. Así, puede ser estudiado como fuente primaria o como escrito historiográfi co. En este estudio el texto es transcrito, traducido y analizado. A partir de este análisis, se proponen una datación del texto, modelos para sus estructuras temática y narrativa, y algunas hipótesis sobre su naturaleza e intencionalidad.

Cooperación jurisdiccional civil de primer grado : tratamiento de los exhortos o cartas rogatorias

Resumen: Existe una realidad que supera todo, que es la internacionalización de las relaciones jurídicas y el derecho legislado en un país no es ni puede ser autosuficiente para resolver los litigios que se presentan y es allí donde como necesidad sociológica aparece el derecho procesal internacional, como parte integrante del derecho internacional privado. La cooperación jurisdiccional de primer grado es comprensiva de un marco amplio en el plano convencional, que resulta en general adecuado en sus ratificaciones para la República, que a su vez posee regulación interna. La concepción del orden público será más flexible en la cooperación jurisdiccional internacional y no integra el orden público la cosa juzgada en el país, ni la litispendencia, elementos que han de evaluarse al momento del reconocimiento. Este primer grado de cooperación abarca en sentido amplio las distintas vías de comunicación entre las que principalmente se encuentran las comunicaciones de mero trámite, la obtención de pruebas en el extranjero y la información del derecho extranjero. Como vía de comunicación, en su finalidad, el exhorto busca la realización de la justicia. El control de la competencia judicial internacional en los exhortos internacionales como requisito de la obligatoriedad para el juez requerido, es eliminado en las modernas tendencias, limitándose a la compatibilidad de él con el orden público del juez requerido. En este rumbo deberían orientarse las futuras reformas de la legislación interna en la materia.