985 resultados para Brazilian external politics


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The purpose of this study is to explore the mechanisms that influence decisions regarding outsourcing competencies in the operation of project management offices (PMOs). The exploratory research described here involves the use of a web-based survey for enterprises in Brazil. In 78 of the survey's valid cases, the PMO is operated using the organization's internal resources. A possible conclusion is that the PMO is unlikely to positively relate to the culture of external services used by the organization and to use outsourcing to operate the PMO.

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The new Brazilian ABNT NBR 15575 Standard (the ―Standard‖) recommends two methods for analyzing housing thermal performance: a simplified and a computational simulation method. The aim of this paper is to evaluate both methods and the coherence between each. For this, the thermal performance of a low-cost single-family house was evaluated through the application of the procedures prescribed by the Standard. To accomplish this study, the EnergyPlus software was selected. Comparative analyses of the house with varying envelope U-values and solar absorptance of external walls were performed in order to evaluate the influence of these parameters on the results. The results have shown limitations in the current Standard computational simulation method, due to different aspects: weather files, lack of consideration of passive strategies, and inconsistency with the simplified method. Therefore, this research indicates that there are some aspects to be improved in this Standard, so it could better represent the real thermal performance of social housing in Brazil.

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Successful conservation of tropical montane forest, one of the most threatened ecosystems on earth, requires detailed knowledge of its biogeochemistry. Of particular interest is the response of the biogeochemical element cycles to external influences such as element deposition or climate change. Therefore the overall objective of my study was to contribute to improved understanding of role and functioning of the Andean tropical montane forest. In detail, my objectives were to determine (1) the role of long-range transported aerosols and their transport mechanisms, and (2) the role of short-term extreme climatic events for the element budget of Andean tropical forest. In a whole-catchment approach including three 8-13 ha microcatchments under tropical montane forest on the east-exposed slope of the eastern cordillera in the south Ecuadorian Andes at 1850-2200 m above sea level I monitored at least in weekly resolution the concentrations and fluxes of Ca, Mg, Na, K, NO3-N, NH4-N, DON, P, S, TOC, Mn, and Al in bulk deposition, throughfall, litter leachate, soil solution at the 0.15 and 0.3 m depths, and runoff between May 1998 and April 2003. I also used meteorological data from my study area collected by cooperating researchers and the Brazilian meteorological service (INPE), as well as remote sensing products of the North American and European space agencies NASA and ESA. My results show that (1) there was a strong interannual variation in deposition of Ca [4.4-29 kg ha-1 a-1], Mg [1.6-12], and K [9.8-30]) between 1998 and 2003. High deposition changed the Ca and Mg budgets of the catchments from loss to retention, suggesting that the additionally available Ca and Mg was used by the ecosystem. Increased base metal deposition was related to dust outbursts of the Sahara and an Amazonian precipitation pattern with trans-regional dry spells allowing for dust transport to the Andes. The increased base metal deposition coincided with a strong La Niña event in 1999/2000. There were also significantly elevated H+, N, and Mn depositions during the annual biomass burning period in the Amazon basin. Elevated H+ deposition during the biomass burning period caused elevated base metal loss from the canopy and the organic horizon and deteriorated already low base metal supply of the vegetation. Nitrogen was only retained during biomass burning but not during non-fire conditions when deposition was much smaller. Therefore biomass burning-related aerosol emissions in Amazonia seem large enough to substantially increase element deposition at the western rim of Amazonia. Particularly the related increase of acid deposition impoverishes already base-metal scarce ecosystems. As biomass burning is most intense during El Niño situations, a shortened ENSO cycle because of global warming likely enhances the acid deposition at my study forest. (2) Storm events causing near-surface water flow through C- and nutrient-rich topsoil during rainstorms were the major export pathway for C, N, Al, and Mn (contributing >50% to the total export of these elements). Near-surface flow also accounted for one third of total base metal export. This demonstrates that storm-event related near-surface flow markedly affects the cycling of many nutrients in steep tropical montane forests. Changes in the rainfall regime possibly associated with global climate change will therefore also change element export from the study forest. Element budgets of Andean tropical montane rain forest proved to be markedly affected by long-range transport of Saharan dust, biomass burning-related aerosols, or strong rainfalls during storm events. Thus, increased acid and nutrient deposition and the global climate change probably drive the tropical montane forest to another state with unknown consequences for its functions and biological diversity.

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The core issues comparative territorial politics addresses are how and why territory is used to delimit, maintain, or create political power; and with what kind of consequences for efficiency (output) and legitimacy (input). The aim of this article is to integrate various research strands into the comparative study of territorial politics, with federal studies at its core. As an example of a conceptual payoff, ‘political territoriality’ refers the observer to three dimensions of the strategic use of areal boundaries for political power. By focusing on territory as a key variable of political systems, the actors, processes and institutions are first analytically separated and continuously measured, enhancing internal validity, and then theoretically integrated, which allows more valid external inferences than classic, legal-institutionalist federal studies. After discussing the boundaries and substance of comparative territorial politics as a federal discipline, political territoriality is developed towards an analytical framework applicable to politics at any governmental level. The claims are modest: political territoriality does not serve so much as an explanatory concept as rather an ‘attention-directing device’ for federal studies.

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O SESCTV, canal de televisão administrado pelo Serviço Social do Comércio de São Paulo, caracteriza-se como uma iniciativa peculiar em seu âmbito midiático por diversos fatores. Estes condicionantes, por terem múltiplas origens - da natureza institucional à linguagem criada - desenham uma emissora que desperta inúmeros pontos de debate em torno dela e do meio televisivo. O objeto configura-se como referência também no que diz respeito ao amadurecimento da televisão por assinatura, sobretudo no campo educativo-cultural. Procura-se, aqui, considerar as variantes basilares do canal, que compreendem a construção de linguagem nele processada e o respectivo modo de produzir sentidos, sendo estes dois eixos analisados mediante uma contextualização social, política, econômica e cultural interna e externa ao objeto. Já o percurso metodológico traçado disseca os pontos convergentes e divergentes das relações estabelecidas pelo canal ao longo de sua trajetória. Trata-se de uma reflexão que mensura, a partir dos condicionantes expostos, os potenciais caminhos para que o SESCTV firme-se na história televisiva brasileira como iniciativa de protagonismo e vanguarda. Uma visão crítica que enxerga o atual como ponto de partida e não como fim.(AU)

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O SESCTV, canal de televisão administrado pelo Serviço Social do Comércio de São Paulo, caracteriza-se como uma iniciativa peculiar em seu âmbito midiático por diversos fatores. Estes condicionantes, por terem múltiplas origens - da natureza institucional à linguagem criada - desenham uma emissora que desperta inúmeros pontos de debate em torno dela e do meio televisivo. O objeto configura-se como referência também no que diz respeito ao amadurecimento da televisão por assinatura, sobretudo no campo educativo-cultural. Procura-se, aqui, considerar as variantes basilares do canal, que compreendem a construção de linguagem nele processada e o respectivo modo de produzir sentidos, sendo estes dois eixos analisados mediante uma contextualização social, política, econômica e cultural interna e externa ao objeto. Já o percurso metodológico traçado disseca os pontos convergentes e divergentes das relações estabelecidas pelo canal ao longo de sua trajetória. Trata-se de uma reflexão que mensura, a partir dos condicionantes expostos, os potenciais caminhos para que o SESCTV firme-se na história televisiva brasileira como iniciativa de protagonismo e vanguarda. Uma visão crítica que enxerga o atual como ponto de partida e não como fim.(AU)

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State and international entities can have profound effects on the development of a country’s nursing profession. Through a global health governance lens, this paper explores the development of nursing in Brazil during the early twentieth century, and its intersections with national and international interests. Accordingly, we will show how state policies established an environment that fostered the institutionalization of nursing as a profession in Brazil and supported it as a means to increase the presence of females in nation building processes. The State focused on recruiting elite women for nursing, in part due to the Rockefeller Foundation’s involvement in the country. Nurses who worked for Rockefeller came from well-educated classes within US society with specific ideas about who should be a nurse and the roles of nurses in a healthcare system. These women served as the primary vehicles for interacting with Brazilian health authorities responsible for health system development. Their early efforts did not, however, ensure a system capable of producing nursing human resources at a rate that, in present day Brazil, could meet the health needs of the country. Findings from this paper offer new avenues for historians to explore the early roots of professional nursing through a global health governance lens, improve the understanding of the intersection between international politics and professionalization, and highlight how these factors may impact nursing human resources production in the long term.

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Nationalism remains central to politics in and among the new nation-states. Far from »solving« the region's national question, the most recent reconfiguration of political space – the replacement of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia by some twenty would-be nation-states – only recast it in a new form. It is this new phase and form of the national question that I explore in this paper. I begin by outlining a particular relational configuration – the triadic relational nexus between national minorities, nationalizing states, and external national homelands – that is central to the national question in post-Soviet Eurasia. In the second, and most substantial, section of the paper, I argue that each of the »elements« in this relational nexus – minority, nationalizing state, and homeland – should itself be understood in dynamic and relational terms, not as a fixed, given, or analytically irreducible entity but as a field of differentiated positions and an arena of struggles among competing »stances.« In a brief concluding section, I return to the relational nexus as a whole, underscoring the dynamically interactive quality of the triadic interplay.

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In light of the growing international competition among states and globally operating companies for limited natural resources, export restrictions on raw materials have become a popular means for governments to strive for various goals, including industrial development, natural resource conservation and environmental protection. For instance, China as a major supplier of many raw materials has been using its powerful position to both economic and political ends. The European Union (EU), alongside economic heavyweights such as the US, Japan and Mexico, launched two high-profile cases against such export restrictions by China at the WTO in 2009 and 2012. Against this background, this paper analyses the EU’s motivations in the initiation of trade disputes on export restrictions at WTO, particularly focusing on the two cases with China. It argues that the EU's WTO complaints against export restrictions on raw materials are to a large extent motivated by its economic and systemic interests rather than political interests. The EU is more likely to launch a WTO complaint, the stronger the potential and actual impact on its economy, the more ambiguous the WTO rules and the stronger the internal or external lobbying by member states or companies. This argumentation is based on the analysis of pertinent factors such as the economic impact, the ambiguity of WTO law on export restrictions and the pressure by individual member states on the EU as well as the role of joint complaints at the WTO and political considerations influencing the EU’s decision-making process.

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The Association of  Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), founded  in 1967, has from  its onset been an  outward oriented organisation. It has to be outward looking and followed events in the region and  world carefully because domestic dynamics and developments are sensitive to such externalities. The  member states of ASEAN are also firmly aware of the need to be embedded in the broader regional, if  not global context, particularly in the economic arena.   One channel that ASEAN used to achieve this  was through the dialogue partnerships that it established throughout the years with the major powers  and other key countries.      The  EU  is  one  of ASEAN’s  oldest  dialogue  partners.  Trade  and  investments ties  between the two  regions have grown tremendously.  The EU is now ASEAN’s second largest trading partner and biggest  source of FDI in ASEAN, and the partnership now extends also to a whole range of political and security  dialogue. Yet despite all these, ASEAN still perceived the partnership as below potential.  This paper  examines the current EU‐ASEAN relations and reflects on how ASEAN can step up its engagement with  the  EU  at  a time  when the  East  Asian region  has  become the  core region  of  global  politics  and  economics, and ASEAN has to become more united and  cohesive  if  it  is to manage the  increasing  tensions and rising rivalry amongst the big powers in the region, in particular between the US and  China.   

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In the military dimension, the Four-Day War in Nagorno-Karabakh (2–5 April 2016) changed little in the conflict zone. It has, however, had a significant impact on the situation in Armenia. The country was shocked out of the political malaise that had been the dominant mood in the last few years, and the Karabakh question, which used to animate political life in the late 1980s and early 1990s, once again became a driving force behind developments. In the internal dimension, the renewed fighting galvanised the political scene, triggered a rise in nationalist sentiments, mobilised the public and consolidated it around the Karabakh question, overshadowing the frustrations caused by the country’s difficult economic situation. In the external dimension, the war, which was viewed as Moscow-endorsed Azerbaijani aggression, undermined people’s trust in Russia and the Armenian-Russian alliance. It also made it clear for Armenians how uncertain the Russian security guarantees were and exacerbated their feelings of vulnerability and isolation on the international stage.

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In both Australia and Brazil there are rapid changes occurring in the macroenvironment of the dairy industry. These changes are sometimes not noticed in the microenvironment of the farm, due to the labour-intensive nature of family farms, and the traditionally weak links between production and marketing. Trends in the external environment need to be discussed in a cooperative framework, to plan integrated actions for the dairy community as a whole and to demand actions from research, development and extension (R, D & E). This paper reviews the evolution of R, D & E in terms of paradigms and approaches, the present strategies used to identify dairy industry needs in Australia and Brazil, and presents a participatory strategy to design R, D & E actions for both countries. The strategy incorporates an integration of the opinions of key industry actors ( defined as members of the dairy and associated communities), especially farm suppliers ( input market), farmers, R, D & E people, milk processors and credit providers. The strategy also uses case studies with farm stays, purposive sampling, snowball interviewing techniques, semi-structured interviews, content analysis, focus group meetings, and feedback analysis, to refine the priorities for R, D & E actions in the region.

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O SESCTV, canal de televisão administrado pelo Serviço Social do Comércio de São Paulo, caracteriza-se como uma iniciativa peculiar em seu âmbito midiático por diversos fatores. Estes condicionantes, por terem múltiplas origens - da natureza institucional à linguagem criada - desenham uma emissora que desperta inúmeros pontos de debate em torno dela e do meio televisivo. O objeto configura-se como referência também no que diz respeito ao amadurecimento da televisão por assinatura, sobretudo no campo educativo-cultural. Procura-se, aqui, considerar as variantes basilares do canal, que compreendem a construção de linguagem nele processada e o respectivo modo de produzir sentidos, sendo estes dois eixos analisados mediante uma contextualização social, política, econômica e cultural interna e externa ao objeto. Já o percurso metodológico traçado disseca os pontos convergentes e divergentes das relações estabelecidas pelo canal ao longo de sua trajetória. Trata-se de uma reflexão que mensura, a partir dos condicionantes expostos, os potenciais caminhos para que o SESCTV firme-se na história televisiva brasileira como iniciativa de protagonismo e vanguarda. Uma visão crítica que enxerga o atual como ponto de partida e não como fim.(AU)

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The ten-year period that started with Nancy Spero’s War Series (1966-70) and ended with the completion of Torture of Women (1974-6) were of vital importance to the development of this key figure of feminist art. This was the moment when Spero turned her focus to politics, departing from a practice that was concerned with personal disaffection, instead focusing on profoundly social concerns. Essential to this evolution is a focus on pain. From the War Series through the Artaud Paintings (1970-71), Codex Artaud (1971-2), and Torture of Women, pain, both internal and external, was imagined in multiple forms. In Spero’s explorations of the theme, pain becomes metaphoric of the experience of women living under patriarchy, an amorphous but still profoundly disabling sensation that attacks both body and mind. This thesis explores Spero’s use of physical pain during moment of feminist art’s emergence, seeing it as a political metaphor for the way in which patriarchy invisibly controls and undermines women. Framed broadly by the question of art's relationship with politics during this turbulent period of anti-war and feminist activism, this thesis closely examines the way in which an analogy to pain figures the body in the work in complex terms, pursuing an ideological ambition through recourse to feeling.

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This article analyses the factors behind the paradoxical result of the Brazilian gun-control referendum. It adopts a qualitative approach to explore the dissemination of ideologies surrounding crime, gun control and security. For this purpose, interviews were conducted with activists involved in the referendum's campaign. The results reveal that ideologically driven campaigns in a context of corruption scandals, high levels of violence and fear influenced the result. The neoliberal discourse of individual freedoms played a role, as did the phrasing of the referendum's question, fragile confidence in public institutions and unequal campaign funding and regulation.