985 resultados para Brazil s history


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The present volume is the fruit of a research initiative on Access to Knowledge begun in 2004 by Yochai Benkler, Eddan Katz, and myself. Access to Knowledge is both a social movement and an approach to international and domestic policy. In the present era of globalization, intellectual property and information and communications technology are major determinants of wealth and power. The principle of access to knowledge argues that we best serve both human rights and economic development through policies that make knowledge, knowledge-creating tools, and nowledgeembedded goods as widely available as possible for decentralized innovation and use. Open technological standards, a balanced approach to intellectual property rights, and expansion of an open telecommunications infrastructure enable ordinary people around the world to benefit from the technological advances of the information age and allow them to generate a vibrant, participatory and democratic culture. Law plays a crucial role in securing access to knowledge, determining whether knowledge and knowledge goods are shared widely for the benefit of all, or controlled and monopolized for the benefit of a few.

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O estudo teve como proposta identificar na comunidade do Morro do Vital Brazil referências que indicassem sentido de coletividade e continuidade. Essa comunidade, como pretendido apontar, teria sua origem, nas décadas de 1920 e 1930, no entorno do Instituto de Hygiene, Sorotherapia e Veterinária do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, hoje, Instituto Vital Brazil. Por ser fábrica farmacêutica, a produção necessitaria de mão-de-obra, que no caso estudado, passou a morar no morro atrás do Instituto, mas ainda em seu território. Dessa origem, surge uma comunidade com características de cooperação, união e associativismo. Com a prosperidade da fábrica, cresce o número de moradores e inicia-se um conjunto de domicílios e famílias também possuidores de aspectos em comum. Essas identidades possibilitam um encontro com o poder público na forma de políticos e políticas, como o Programa Médico de Família. Com esse último, interesse inicial da pesquisa, nasceu a relação entre a pesquisadora em questão, médica no posto PMF Vital Brazil, e evidenciou performances dos moradores que indicavam um pertencimento e lugar de fala diferenciado. O estudo apontou características da comunidade e dos atores que contribuíram na criação desse coletivo, utilizou como metodologia a história oral.

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Racism in Brazil has some specificities when compared to other countries, for, differently from, for instance, South Africa and the United States, Brazilian Constitutions, ever since the Independence (1822), have never distinguished the citizens according to race or color. Furthermore, since the mid-1900s, Afro-Brazilian cultural manifestations, such as, for example, samba and capoeira, started to be valued as a part of our “national identity”. These specificities make race relations in Brazilian society a much more complex issue. This paper is focused on selected parts of interviews that deal with the nature of racial discrimination in Brazil, extracted from interviews with leaders of the black movement produced within the scope of the project “The History of Black Movement in Brazil: organization of a collection of Oral History Interviews”, developed by CPDOC, Getulio Vargas Foundation (Rio de Janeiro). These “histories within history”, as told by our interviewees, may be transformed into images that will be able to condense a given reality, thus allowing us to evaluate the gains obtained by oral history methodology.

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Brazils experience shows that the economic and political history of a country is a critical determinant of which labor laws influence wages and employment, and which are not binding. Long periods of high inflation, illiteracy of the workforce, and biases in the design and enforcement of labor legislation bred by the country’s socioeconomic history are all important in determining the reach of labor laws. Defying conventional wisdom, these factors are shown to affect labor market outcomes even in the sector of employment regarded as unregulated. Following accepted practice in Brazil, we distinguish regulated from unregulated employment by determining whether or not the contract has been ratified by the Ministry of Labor, viz., groups of workers with and without signed work booklet. We then examine the degree of adherence to labor laws in the formal and informal sectors, and finds “pressure points” – viz., evidence of the law on minimum wage, work-hours, and payment timing being binding on outcomes – in both the formal and informal sectors of the Brazilian labor market. The findings of the paper imply that in terms of the design of legislation, informality in Brazil is mainly a fiscal, and not a legal phenomenon. But the manner in which these laws have been enforced is also critical determinant of informality in Brazil: poor record-keeping has strengthened the incentives to stay informal that are already built into the design of the main social security programs, and ambiguities in the design of labor legislation combined with slanted enforcement by labor courts have led to workers effectively being accorded the same labor rights whether or not they have ratified contracts. The incentives to stay informal are naturally higher for workers who are assured of protection under labor legislation regardless of the nature of their contract, which only alters their financial relationship with the government. The paper concludes that informality in Brazil will remain high as long as labor laws remain ambiguous and enforced with a clear pro-labor bias, and social security programs lack tight benefitcontribution linkages and strong enforcement mechanisms.

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The history of independent Brazil may be divided into three major state–society cycles, and, after 1930, five political pacts or class coalitions can be identified. These pacts were nationalist; only in the 1990s did the Brazilian elites surrender to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid-2000s they have been rediscovering the idea of the nation. The main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and Brazilian society are “national–dependent”, that is, they are ambivalent and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. They are dependent because they often see themselves as “European” and the mass of the people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough, and there are enough common interests around its domestic market, to make the Brazilian nation less ambivalent. Today Brazil is seeking a synthesis between the last two political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

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Apos uma década de rápido crescimento econômico na primeira década do século 21, Brasil e Turquia foram considerados duas das economias emergentes mais dinâmicas e promissoras. No entanto, vários sinais de dificuldades econômicas e tensões políticas reapareceram recentemente e simultaneamente nos dois países. Acreditamos que esses sinais e a sua simultaneidade podem ser entendidos melhor com um olhar retrospectivo sobre a história econômica dos dois países, que revela ser surpreendentemente paralela. Numa primeira parte, empreendemos uma comparação abrangente da história econômica brasileira e turca para mostrar as numerosas similaridades entre os desafios de política econômica que os dois países enfrentaram, assim como entre as respostas que eles lhes deram desde a virada da Grande Depressão até a primeira década do século 21. Essas escolhas de política econômica comuns dão forma a uma trajetória de desenvolvimento notavelmente análoga, caracterizada primeiro pela adoção do modelo de industrialização por substituição das importações (ISI) no contexto da recessão mundial dos anos 1930; depois pela intensificação e crise final desse modelo nos anos 1980; e finalmente por duas décadas de estabilização e transição para um modelo econômico mais liberal. Numa segunda parte, o desenvolvimento das instituições econômicas e políticas, assim como da economia política subjacente nos dois países, são analisados comparativamente a fim de prover alguns elementos de explicação do paralelo observado na primeira parte. Sustentamos que o marco institucional estabelecido nos dois países durante esse período também têm varias características fundamentais em comum e contribui a explicar as escolhas de política econômica e as performances econômicas comparáveis, detalhadas na primeira parte. Este estudo aborda elementos do contexto histórico úteis para compreender a situação econômica e política atual nos dois países. Potencialmente também constitui uma tentativa de considerar as economias emergentes numa perspectiva histórica e comparativa mais ampla para entender melhor as suas fraquezas institucionais e adotar um olhar mais equilibrado sobre seu potencial econômico.

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This article seeks to analyse the mass protests that ecloded in the main cities in Brazil in June 2013 - the so-called June Journeys -, event which represented an inflection moment in the country's recent political history and inaugurated a new social mobilization cycle in the country. This analysis will begin with the presupposition that the strong digital inclusion that has been going on over recent years was a main element, but not the only one, responsible for the occurrence of protests. Still, although digital inclusion has been a central tool that allowed these demonstrations to happen in the first place, it was not the only responsible for leading over 1 million people to the streets. Factors such as frustrated expectations over the continuity of the social inclusion process that had been ongoing over the last decade, the rising educational level and a political representation crisis contributed to social mobilization, and were amplified due to widening internet access - and, therefore, access to information - across the population

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What you see above is a graphic representation of something anyone who followed the campaign that led to the re-election of Dilma Rousseff as Brazils president on October 26 already knows: the election was the most polarised in the country’s history. Brasil was split down the middle, not only numerically (Dilma got 52 per cent, Aécio Neves 48) and geographically (Dilma won in the less developed north, Aécio in the more prosperous south). The twitterspere, too, was divided into two camps. Not only that; they hardly talked to each other at all.

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The Brazilian domestic debt has posed two challenges to policy-makers: it has grown very fast and its maturity is extremely short. This has prompted fears that a default or a compulsory lengthening scheme would be imposed. Here, we analyse the domestic public debt management experience in Brazil, searching for policy prescriptions for the next few years. After briefiy reviewing the recent domestic public debt history, we decompose the large rise in federal bonded debt during 1995-2000, searching for its macroeconomic causes. The main culprits are the extremely high interest payments-which, unti11998, were caused by the weak fiscal stance and the quasi-fixed exchange-rate regime; and since 1999, by the impact ofthe currency depreciation On the dollar-indexed and the externai debt-, and the accumulation of assets of doubtful value, much of which may have to be written off in the future. Simulation exercises of the net debt path for the near future underscore the importance of a tighter fiscal stance to prevent the debt-GDP ratio from growing further. Given the need to quickly lengthen the debt maturity, our main policy advice is to foster, and rely more on, infiation-linked bonds.

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A total of 2629 individuals of Arenaeus cribrarius (1293 males and 1336 females) were captured in Ubatuba (SP), from August 1996 to July 1997. Individuals were distributed in 5 mm size class carapace width (CW), to verify sex-specific growth-age equations. The Von Bertalanffy model was chosen to determine the growth rate and expressed by CW=120.52[1-e(-1.80t)] for males and CW=100.81[1-e(-1.60t)] for females. The age estimated for the first juvenile stage (t(o)) was 6.1 and 8.3 days for males and females, respectively. The maximum age determined was 1.8 years for males and 2 years for females, which correspond to a maximum size of 115.8 and 96.7 mm, respectively. The maximum size (CWmax) estimated using 95% of asymptotic size was 114.5 mm for males and 95.8 mm for females. Males have a precocious sexual maturity (5 months) when compared to females (6.8 months). The growth rate and size of A. cribrarius are higher than other portunid species, with great interest for aquaculture.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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The marsh deer is the largest neotropical cervid with morphological and ecological adaptations to wetlands and riparian habitats. Historically, this now endangered species occupied habitats along the major river basins in South America, ranging from southern Amazonia into northern Argentina to the Parana river delta. This particularly close association with wetlands makes marsh deer an excellent species for studying the effects of Pleistocene climatic changes on their demographic and phylogeographic patterns. We examined mitochondrial DNA variation in 127 marsh deer from 4 areas distributed throughout the Rio de]a Plata basin. We found 17 haplotypes in marsh deer from Brazil, Bolivia and Argentina that differed by 1-8 substitutions in a 601 bp fragment of mitochondrial control region sequence, and 486 bp of cytochrome b revealed only 3 variable sites that defined 4 haplotypes. Phylogeny and distribution of control region haplotypes suggest that populations close to the Pantanal area in central Brazil underwent a rapid population expansion and that this occurred approximately 28,000-25,000 years BP. Paleoclimatic data from this period suggests that there was a dramatic increase for precipitation in the medium latitudes in South America and these conditions may have fostered marsh deer's population growth.

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This project verified the potential for the production of hydrogen via water electrolysis by using the exceeding electrical energy resultant from alcohol and sugar plants that use sugar cane bagasse as fuel. The studies were carried out in cogeneration plants authorized by the Electrical Energy National Agency (ANEEL). The processing history of sugar cane considered was based on the 2006/2007 harvests. The total bagasse produced, electrical energy generated and exceeding electrical energy in a year were calculated. It was obtained an average energy consumption value of 5.2 kWh Nm(-3) and the hydrogen production costs regarding the amount of sugar cane processed that ranged from US$ 0.50 to US$ 0.75 Nm(-3). The results pointed that the costs for the production of hydrogen via the bagasse exceeding energy are close to the production costs that use other sources of energy. As the energy generated from the bagasse is a renewable one, this alternative for the production of hydrogen is economical and environmentally viable. (C) 2008 International Association for Hydrogen Energy. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.